CHAPTER V:The Pueblo Indians

Up: Contents Previous: CHAPTER IV:Historical Sketch Of New Mexico—Concluded Next: CHAPTER VI: The Pueblo Indians—Concluded

[page 114]

Pueblos most interesting Class of Inhabitants.—Origin of Name.—Religion.—Number of Villages.—Their Names.—Moqui Villages.—Different Nations and Languages.—Tagnos Nation extinct.—Did the Spaniards reclaim these Indians?—Cibola and the People.—Tignex and Jemez.—Cicuyé and the Buildings.—Pueblo Indians same People the Spaniards found in the Country.—First Decree of Charles V.—Subsequent Decrees.—Title of Indians to Land.—Ruins of Pueblos.—Abo.—Quarra.—Quivira.—Other Ruins.—Scarcity of Water.—Cause of Villages deserted.—Wager of Battle.—Who are the Pueblo Indians?—Opinion of Mr. Gallatin.—Are they Aztecs?—The Question an interesting one.

The most interesting class of the inhabitants of New Mexico are those known as the Pueblo Indians. They are the descendants of the ancient rulers of the country, and are so called because they dwell in villages and subsist by agriculture, instead of living in lodges and depending upon the chase as the wild Indians of the mountains and plains. The word pueblo is the Spanish for village, and hence the origin of their name. They are semi-civilized, and in part have conformed to the man ners and customs of their Mexican neighbors, from whom they have drawn the little civilization they possess. The greater number of them have embraced the Christian religion, and worship after the forms of the Catholic Church.

Within a few years this people have attracted considerable attention among the learned, who have made an effort to unravel the mystery that hangs around their origin and early history, as also to obtain a more correct

[page 115]

knowledge of their present manners and customs. The interest manifested in this primitive race will warrant me in devoting a few pages to them, in which I will give the reader all the information I have been able to obtain concerning them, derived from personal observation and other authentic sources.

The number of inhabited pueblos in the Territory is twenty-six, the majority of which are situated in the valley of the Del Norte, extending, from Taos in the north to Isleta in the south, some two hundred miles. In ancient times they were much more numerous than at present, and the ruins of many are now to be seen in various parts of the country. Their names are Taos, Picoris, Nambé, Tezuque, Pojuaque, San Juan, San Yldefonso, Santo Domingo, San Felipé, Santa Ana, Cochiti, Isleta, Silla, Laguna, Acoma, Jemez, Zuñi, Sandia, and Santa Clara. Besides these there are the seven villages of the Moquis in the western part of the Territory, well toward the Rio Colorado of the west, which are the least known of all the pueblos. They have not had a priest stationed among them since the revolution of 1680, and, being far removed from the Mexican population, they have remained to the present day in a very primitive condition, and retained most of their ancient manners and habits. When Cruzate visited the Moqui country in 1692, he saw five inhabited pueblos, which were then called Aguatubi, Gualpi, Jongopavi, Monsonavi, and Orayvi. Five of these villages now bear the names of Moqui, Oraybe, Una Vida, Cuelpe, and Towas; the names of the other two I do not know, and, not having visited that country, I am not able to say how the situation of the modern agrees with that of the ancient pueblos. A few miles to the south of Isleta is what was once an Indian pueblo, but the inhabitants have intermarried with the Spaniards to such a degree that it has become almost merged

[page 116]

into a Mexican village. In Texas, a short distance below the southern boundary of New Mexico, and in the valley of the Del Norte, is a pueblo called Isleta of the South, but neither it nor Los Lentes is included in the twenty-six named as being in the Territory.

In ancient times the several pueblos formed four distinct nations, called Piro, Tegua, Queres, and Tagnos or Tanos, speaking as many different dialects or languages. The languages of the first three, the remains of former nationalities, are still extant, but the fourth, that of the Tagnos or Tanos, is said to have become extinct. The pueblos that still speak the Piro language are Taos, Tezuque, Sandia, Isleta, and Isleta of the South; those that speak the Queres language are Santa Ana, Jemez, San Felipe, Cochiti, Santo Domingo, Laguna, Acoma, Picovis, and Silla. It is maintained by some that Zuñi speaks the Piro language, and that four of the Moqui villages speak a dialect very nearly the same as that of the Navajos, while a fifth speaks that of San Juan, which is Tegua; but as Cruzate, in his journal, places both Zuñi and Moqui as belonging to the Queres nation, such designation of them is most probably correct. In the days of their greatest strength this was the most powerful of all the Pueblo nations; and in their conflicts with the Spaniards, Queres sent forth the most able warriors into the field, and had the most cunning prophets in the estufas. The Tegua language is still spoken by San Juan, Santa Clara, Nambé, Pojuaque, and San Yldefonso. The pueblos that once composed the powerful nation of Tagnos have been harshly dealt with in the course of time, and it is not certainly known that even a remnant of this people now remain, although it is said that some of the western villages speak that language. The once populous pueblo of Pecos, those on the Galestio, and others to the southward, were of this nation, but they have long

[page 117]

since fallen to decay, and time-stained ruins only mark the former homes of these dusky warriors. The distance from Picoris to the Moqui villages is about four hundred miles, and from Taos to Isleta of the South still farther, and yet these widely separated pueblos speak, each two, the same language, and, in all probability, are from the same parent stock. This identity of language, as evidence in favor of their having originally been one people, also supports the supposition that they were from some cause dispersed from a common locality, and obliged to seek new homes in distant regions. Most of the Pueblo Indians have picked up a smattering of the Spanish language, but their native tongue is always used in their conversation with each other.

It has been and still is the opinion of many persons that the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico were reclaimed from a wild state and placed in villages by the Spaniards. This is an error, as can be shown by abundant evidence. They were living in villages long before Europeans landed upon the shores of America. The first Spaniards who penetrated into New Mexico found them in substantially the same condition as at the present day, and when Cortez entered Southern Mexico, he encountered a race of men inhabiting that country almost identical with the Pueblo Indians in style of living, manners, and customs. The earliest and most positive testimony we have upon this subject, so far as New Mexico is concerned, we find in the journal of Castañeda de Nagera, the chronicler of the expedition of Coronado of 1540, already referred to. He noted the provinces they passed through, with a description of the country, and the people, and all of interest that was seen during their march. This journal has been preserved, and now lies before me. In order to prove that the people then inhabiting New Mexico were the same race of men as

[page 118]

the Pueblos of the present day, I will make a few extracts from Castañeda upon the subject. In speaking of Cibola, the first province at which they arrived, he gives the following brief account of it: ‘‘The province of Cibola contains seven villages. The largest is called Muzaque. The houses of the country are ordinarily three or four stories high, but at Muzaque there are some which reach seven stories. The Indians of this country are very intelligent. They cover the natural parts and the entire middle of the person with pieces of stuff which resemble napkins; they are garnished with tufts and with embroidery at the corners, and are fastened around the reins. These natives have also kinds of pelisses of feathers or hare-skins and cotton stuffs. The women wear on the shoulders a sort of mantle, which they fasten around the neck, passing it under the right arm. They also make garments of skins very well dressed, and trick off their hair behind the ears in the shape of a wheel, which resembles the handle of a cup.’’

Speaking of the villages of the province of Tignex, forty leagues to the north of Cibola, he says, ‘‘They are governed by a council of old men. The houses are built in common; the women temper the mortar and raise the walls; the men bring timber and construct the frames. They have no lime, but they make a mixture of ashes, earth, and charcoal, which answers very well as a substitute; for, although they raise their houses four stories high, the walls are not more than three feet thick. They make great heaps of thyme and rushes, which they set on fire; when the mass is reduced to coal and ashes, they throw upon it a great deal of earth and water, and mix all together. They then knead it in round masses, which are dried, and which they employ as stones; the whole is then coated with the same mixture. The work thus resembles

[page 119]

somewhat a piece of masonry.’’ He also mentions that contiguous to this province lay that of Jemez, seven leagues to the northeast, which also contained seven villages. The pueblo of Jemez is still in existence, and contains several hundred inhabitants, and, from its location, is probably a village of the province of that name mentioned by Castañeda. In the same valley are three or four other inhabited pueblos, and several in ruins.

In giving a description of the same province, he remarks, ‘‘The houses are well distributed and very neat. One room is designed for the kitchen, and another to grind the grain. This last is apart, and contains a furnace and three stones made fast in masonry. Three women sit down before these stones; the first crushes the grain, the second brays it, and the third reduces it entirely to powder. Before entering, they take off their shoes, tie their hair, cover their head, and shake their clothes. While they are at work, a man, seated at the door, plays on a bagpipe, so that they work keeping time: they sing in three voices. They make a great deal of flour at once. To make bread, they mix it with warm water, and make a dough which resembles the cakes called dubles. No other fruit than pine-nuts1 are seen in the country. The men wear a sort of shirt of dressed leather, and a pelisse over it. In all this province was found pottery glazed, and vases of really curious form and workmanship.’’

Farther toward the northeast the Spaniards came to the village of Cicuyé, which is described as follows: ‘‘It is built on the top of a rock, forming a great square, and the centre is occupied by a public place, under which are vapor baths. The houses are four stories high, the roof in the form of a terrace, all of the same height, and on

[page 120]

which the circuit of the village may be made without finding a street to obstruct the passage. To the first two stories there is a corridor, in the form of a balcony, on which they can circulate round the village, and under which they can find shelter. The houses have no doors below, but they ascend to the balconies within the village by means of ladders which may be removed. Upon these balconies, which serve as streets, open all the doors by which the houses are entered. Those which front upon the country are supported against those which open upon the court. These last are higher, which is very useful in time of war.’’

The evidence here cited from the journal of Castañeda seems sufficient to satisfy an impartial reader that the present race of Pueblo Indians is identical with the people the Spaniards found in the country in 1540. Their mode of building, manners and customs, and style of dress, are all substantially the same. They were found living in detached villages, scattered over the country, as at the present day, and subsisted by cultivating the soil; and at that early day they were distinguished from the roving tribes of the mountains and plains, who dwelt in lodges made of buffalo-skins. It is not probable that in about half a century, the time intervening between the coming of Coronado and the settlement of the country by the Spaniards, the numerous and populous villages seen by that officer had ceased to exist, and the inhabitants gone back into a wild and nomadic state. This is the only reasonable supposition upon which to base the hypothesis that the Pueblo Indians were found in a roving state when the Spaniards permanently settled the country at the close of the sixteenth century, and were placed by them in villages as we now find them. If this hypothesis be true, to what cause are we to attribute the breaking up of the organized communities of a country,

[page 121]

and the dispersion of the inhabitants as wanderers upon the face of the earth? And if these people are not the same race that the first European explorers found inhabiting the country, how is the singular fact accounted for that the village of Jemez answers exactly, in name and location, and similarity of population, to the Jemez of the present day? These points can not be reconciled except upon the admission that the modern Pueblo Indians are the aboriginals of the country, living as their forefathers lived when the white men first made their appearance. In all essential particulars there can be no doubt that they are the same people the Spaniards found in the country more than three centuries ago, with the exception of having undergone some slight changes in manners and dress, consequent upon living contiguous to and mingling with an antagonistic race.

As further evidence upon this subject, I will briefly notice the course of the Spanish government toward the Pueblo Indians, and which also goes to prove that they were found by the first settlers living in fixed communities. Soon after the conquest by Cortez, the government became sensible of the policy of conciliating a people so numerous and powerful as the aboriginals of the country, and hence grants of land were made to the respective pueblos for purposes of agriculture. The first decree upon this subject is that of Charles the Fifth, given in 1523, only three years after the conquest, which authorizes the viceroys and governors to grant to each village as much land as might be necessary for agricultural and building purposes. The next decree upon the subject is that of 1533, which makes the mountains, pastures, and waters common to both Spaniards and Indians. On the twenty-first of March, 1551, the Emperor Charles promulgated a third ordinance touching the Pueblo Indians, but which concerned their spiritual more

[page 122]

than their temporal welfare. This provides that they shall be reduced to pueblos; but as they were already living in villages, as the two former decrees would prove, without seeking for other evidence, the true intent of this latter ordinance must have been to fix them in larger communities, as a greater convenience in matters of religious instruction, as the spiritual welfare of the Indians was the sole object embraced in the decree. The decree of Felipe the Second, of June, 1587, confirmed to the different pueblos a grant of eleven hundred varas square of land, to be measured from the last house of the village toward the four points of the compass. The quantity was afterward increased to a league square. Some of the decrees, as well before as after this time, mention the nature of the title the Indians were to have in the land granted under them, which in no instance appears to have been of a higher grade than the right of possession. The ordinance of Felipe the Fourth, of March the sixteenth, 1642, provides that the lands which the Pueblo Indians have in any manner improved by their industry shall be reserved to them, but that they shall neither have power to sell or in any manner alienate the same. The decree of the Royal Audience of Mexico of February twenty-third, 1781, confirmatory of that of Felipe the Third of October twentieth, 1598, prohibits the Pueblo Indians from selling, renting, leasing, or in any other manner disposing of their lands, either to each other or to third persons, without the permission of the said Royal Audience; and the same decree also expressly provides that the Indians have no direct right in the land set apart for them. In 1816 the Royal Audience of Guadalajara refused to confirm the sale of a rancho belonging to the pueblo of Cochiti, and which sale was not confirmed until the year 1827, when it was done by the Mexican Congress.

These authorities are evidence in support of two facts

[page 123]

of some importance. The first is, that the Spaniards, at the conquest of Southern Mexico, found the Indians in pueblos, and granted them lands in order to conciliate them. The second point established in the fact that the Pueblo Indians held their grants by a possessory title only, the fee-simple remaining in the crown of Spain in the first instance, and afterward in the government of Mexico by virtue of her independence, which, by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, passed to the United States, so far as the pueblos of New Mexico are concerned.

We have abundant evidence that the Pueblo Indians were in ancient times much more numerous than at the present day, as is attested by the ruins that lie scattered over the country, and the manuscript journals of the early Spanish officers still preserved in the archives of Santa Fé. One nation, the Tagnos or Tanos, once powerful and warlike, has become entirely extinct, and many of the villages of the four remaining nations have gone to ruins. Of those now in decay, and a long time abandoned by the inhabitants, and whose names have come down to the present day, can be mentioned Pecos, San Lazaro, San Marcos, San Cristobal, Socorro, and Senacu, besides others whose names have been forgotten, all of which were peopled as late as 1692, when Cruzate marched through the country. In the palmiest days of the Pueblo Indians, the valley in which Santa Fé is situated was the centre of the four nations, and here were located their most populous pueblos. Their villages were built upon both sides of the Santa Fé River for several miles, extending from the mountains down to the little town of Agua Fria. In this distance down the valley there are seen to this day pieces of painted pottery, and other remains of the pueblos that have passed away. There may also be mentioned the ruins of Abo, Quarra, and Gran Quivira, which are undoubtedly the remains

[page 124]

of pueblos, although I have not been able to find any notice of them among the old archives. From all the information I have been able to obtain concerning these latter ruins, from their location, I am of the opinion that they were villages of the Tagnos nation, and were destroyed and deserted at the time of the rebellion of 1680. This people inhabited the country to the southward of Santa Fé, including some villages upon the Galestio Creek, and the ruins referred to are the only evidence in all that section of country of pre-existing pueblos. They are almost due south of Santa Fé, and no other locality is found to correspond so well with the situation of the ancient Tagnos villages; and the ruins themselves give evidence that the towns that formerly stood there were not unlike the pueblos of the present day. As these ruins have attracted considerable attention, I will notice them with some particularity.2

The ruins of Abo are in the county of Valencia, a few miles south of the town of Manzana, and consist of the walls of a church, and heaps of stones that mark the site of ruined houses. The church was evidently the work of Christian hands, as it was built in the form of a cross, and some of the timbers show marks of the axe upon them. The dimensions are one hundred and thirty-two feet for the long-arm, and forty-one feet for the short-arm of the cross. The height of the walls still standing is about fifty feet: they are of great thickness, and the material of construction is a dark red sandstone found in the neighborhood. The stones are in small pieces, undressed, and were laid in mud. There are no remains of an arch about the building, and the roof, though now in ruins, was probably composed of earth, as at the present

[page 125]

day, and supported by large beams. The remains of an outer wall, which probably inclosed the town, can still be traced, about nine hundred and fifty feet from north to south, and four hundred and fifty from east to west. These distances would indicate that the population was considerable, with the compact mode of building practiced by the Pueblo Indians. The country around is barren and rolling, covered with piñon and pine trees, and without evidence of ever having been under cultivation. Twelve miles and a half north of Abo is Quarra, situated upon a small stream that soon sinks into the sand and disappears. The ruins are substantially the same as those found at Abo, and are evidently the remains of the same people. The church is rather smaller in dimensions, and some portions of it are in a better state of preservation. Near by are two groves of apple-trees, which tradition says were planted when Abo and Quarra were inhabited. Two of the trees are six and eight feet in circumference, and most of them still bear fruit. As apple-trees are not indigenous to the country, they were probably planted by the Spanish priests, and belonged to one or both of these villages when inhabited.

The Gran Quivira is about forty miles east of south from Quarra, situated in the midst of an elevated and barren country. The ruins consist of "the remains of a large church or cathedral, with a monastery attached; a small church or chapel, and the ruins of the town extending nine hundred feet in a direction east and west, and three hundred north and south. All these buildings have been constructed of the dark blue limestone which is found in the vicinity." The church is about the size of the one at Abo, and in pretty much the same condition. Some of the beams are elaborately carved, and exhibit considerable mechanical skill. Major Carleton, U.S.A., in giving an account of his visit to these ruins

[page 126]

in December, 1853, says, ‘‘The walls of the cathedral are now about thirty feet in height. It was estimated, from the great quantity of stones that have fallen down, forming a sort of talus both with the walls and the outside of them, that originally this building was all of fifty feet in height. There is a small room to the right as you enter the cathedral, and another room, which is very large, and which communicates with the main body of the building by a door at the left of the transept. There was also a communication between this large room and the monastery, or system of cloisters, which are attached to the cathedral. This building is one hundred and eighteen feet long outside, and thirty-two in width. Its walls are three feet and eight inches in thickness. It is apparently in a better state of preservation than the cathedral, but yet none of the former wood-work remains in it.’’ Among the ruins are found great quantities of broken earthenware, some of which had been handsomely painted and glazed. An old road runs toward the east, which can be plainly traced for some distance, and in which are growing cedar-trees of a large size. The country round about shows no traces of ever having been cultivated, and the nearest water, at the present time, is at the base of the mountain called La Sierra de las Gallinas, fifteen miles off.

From the earliest knowledge we have of New Mexico, we find the Gran Quivira spoken of as a place of remarkable interest, and the most fabulous accounts are related of it. It will be borne in mind by the reader that one of the objects of the expedition of Coronado into New Mexico was to discover the grand city of Quivira, which was said to be built upon a scale of great magnificence, and to abound in the precious metals. A town bearing this name was reached after a long and fatiguing march, but they found it very different in every particular from

[page 127]

what it had been represented. Castañeda speaks of the town and the surrounding country as follows: ‘‘Up to that point the whole country is only one plain; at Quivira mountains begin to be perceived. From what was seen, it appears to be a well-peopled country. The plants and fruit generally resemble those of Spain: plums, grapes, nuts, mulberries, rye, grass, oats, pennyroyal, origanum, and flax, which the natives do not cultivate because they do not understand the use of it. Their manners and customs are the same as those of Tegas, and the villages resemble those of Spain. The houses are round and have no walls; the stories are like lofts; the roofs are of straw. The inhabitants sleep under the roofs, and there they keep all they possess.’’ This description of the country around the Quivira visited by Coronado is very different from that in which the present ruins are found, and yet there is a possibility of the two localities being the same. It will be recollected that when Coronado left the main army to search for the Gran Quivira they were some considerable distance out upon the plains east of the Rio del Norte, and that in his march he took a southwest direction until he arrived in that country. He mentions passing some salt lakes, which are yet to be found in that region. There are no other ruins, that I am aware of, any where in the section of the country in which he locates Quivira, or passed through on his march. In three centuries and more, the country may have undergone such changes as to reduce it from a fertile and populous region, as the Spaniards then describe it, to an uninhabited and barren waste. These ruins are now pretty well stripped of the romance that hung around them for so long a time, and are generally acknowledged to be no more than the remains of Indian pueblos.3

[page 128]

Similar ruins are found in various other sections of the territory. Near the pueblo of Zuña are the ruins of the ancient village inhabited by the forefathers of the present race. They are upon a high rock; the situation is an admirable one for defense, and in Indian warfare must have been impregnable. In the valley of Jemez there are seen the ruins of several villages; and in various sections of the country inhabited by the Navajo Indians still more extensive ruins are found. There is one feature connected with these ruined towns worthy of note, and that is the great scarcity of water near them. In some instances, the nearest water, at the present day, is several miles off, and difficult of access. This could not have been the case when these towns were peopled, as it is well known that nearness to water is the first consideration with all mankind in locating their habitations. We can come to no other conclusion, then, than that the springs and streams have dried up and ceased to flow since these villages were deserted. This would argue that the face of the country since that period has undergone great physical changes, of which there seems great probability, as exhibited by the traces of recent volcanic action in different parts of the country.

The cause of the desertion of so many villages, and where fled the inhabitants, would be a natural inquiry

[page 129]

on the part of the reader. Many of them, without doubt, were depopulated during the rebellion of 1680, or, more properly, during the reconquest from 1692 to 1696. When Bargas returned to the country in the spring of 1694, he distributed the lands deserted by the Indians among the Spaniards, leaving their quaint-looking houses to fall into decay and go to ruins. It is also related, but more as a matter of tradition than from any authentic source, that after the Indians had driven the Spaniards from the country, a quarrel took place between them about their lands. It soon became general, and nearly every pueblo in the country took part with one side or the other. Seeing it was likely to lead to a fatal division among themselves, which would enable the enemy to make an easy conquest of the country, they agreed to have the matter decided by wager of battle. Two hundred warriors were chosen upon each side, who were to contend for their respective parties, and those whose representatives should be worsted in the contest were quietly to withdraw from the country, and leave the others in possession. The combatants met upon a plain, and decided the contest after a long and bloody struggle. The defeated party left their villages and sought new homes, many, it is said, taking up their abode in California. If this occurrence actually took place, we can very easily account for the ruins of so many villages now found scattered over the territory; and probably it was the lands of the unsuccessful party that Bargas divided among his followers after the reconquest. Whatever was the cause of the abandonment of their villages, the ruins themselves must always remain an object of interest, as the mute memorial of a once powerful race of people now almost extinct.

The question would naturally suggest itself to the mind of the reader, ‘‘Of what race are the Pueblo Indians,

[page 130]

and whence did they come?’’ Upon this subject different opinions have been expressed by those who have examined the question. Some contend that they are of Aztec origin, while others believe them to be the remains of an ancient Toltec colony; and among those who hold the latter view of the question was the late Albert Gallatin. According to tradition, the Aztecs, when they peopled Mexico, came from the north or northwest, and only reached their location in the valley of Anahuac after a period of a hundred and fifty years. From time to time they halted in their migration toward the south, remaining several years in a place, where they founded villages and cultivated the earth. Castañeda was of opinion, from what he could learn of these people during his sojourn in the country with Coronado, that they had come from the northwest. If such was the case, some probably remained behind in their new abode when the main body continued their migration southward, and it is possible that many of the ruins found in the country are the remains of the villages they deserted when they moved on. The present race of Pueblo Indians have a tradition among them that they are the people of Montezuma; and the Pecos pueblo are said to have believed that he would come back some time to deliver them from the Spaniards. To the present day the Indians of Laguna worship an object they call by the name of the Aztec king, and which is fashioned to resemble him, as they suppose. They keep up the estufa because, as they say, it was instituted by Montezuma, and, as far as I have been able to learn, they still number the sun among the objects of their heathen worship. Lieutenant Simpson states in his journal that a Jemez Indian told him that God and the sun are one and the same. Baron Humboldt, upon the authority of missionaries who were well acquainted with

[page 131]

the Aztec language, contends that it differs essentially from that spoken by the Indians of New Mexico, and hence argues that they are not the same race of people. It also appears from the evidence of Castañeda that the Indians of New Mexico were entirely unknown to the people of Southern Mexico, and that their first information respecting them was obtained from Cabeza de Baca and his companions. If they are the same race as the Aztecs, and left behind in their migration southward, the latter would have had knowledge of them, and the Spaniards would have learned of their location long before Baca passed through the country. These facts are in opposition to the hypothesis that they are the same people, while the similitude between the manners and customs, and also the mode of building of the Pueblo Indians and the ancient Aztecs would argue an identity of race; and if, upon careful investigation, their language should be found substantially the same, the evidence would seem much more conclusive upon the subject.

In whatever light the question is viewed, it presents points of deep interest, and can not fail to create a desire in the mind of every intelligent person to know more of this singular people who inhabit the very heart of the American continent. Who they are and whence they came must always remain shrouded in mystery, unless a modern Œdipus should spring up to unravel their romantic history.


1. Probably piñones, which are found all over the country.

2. I am indebted to the highly interesting report of Brevet Major Carleton, U. S. A., for the greater part of my information in reference to the ruins of Abo, Quarra, and Gran Quivira.

3. Since the above was written, I have come in possession of some facts which throw a little light upon the early condition of Quivira, obtained from the old manuscript journal of Don Diego de Bargas, found in the secretary's office at Santa Fé. On the second day of May, 1694, while he was the governor and captain-general of the province, the war captain of the Pecos pueblo, accompanied by eight "Farreon Apaches," made him a visit in Santa Fé. During the interview Bargas asked them the distance from their country to that of the Quivira, to which they replied that the distance was from twenty-five to thirty days' travel—that they knew this country well, for the reason that they went to the Quivira country for captives to buy horses with. This proves that Quivira was inhabited at that time, as were probably Abo and Quarra, and that they were subsequently depopulated.

Up: Contents Previous: CHAPTER IV:Historical Sketch Of New Mexico—Concluded Next: CHAPTER VI: The Pueblo Indians—Concluded

© Arizona Board of Regents