CHAPTER VI: The Pueblo Indians—Concluded

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History of Pueblo Indians.—New Religion forced upon them.—Attempts at Rebellion in 1640 and 1650.—Their Failure.—First general Conspiracy.—Rebellion of 1680.—How organized.—Popé.—His Plans.—Time of Rising.—Plot discovered.—Indians take up Arms.—Santa Fé besieged.—Spaniards retreat.—Country reconquered.—Population.—Their Buildings.—Estufa.—Government.—Officers.—Confirmation of Governor.—Council of Wise Men.—The Cachina.—How the Land is held.—Weapons.—Dress.—Arts.—Food.—Not Citizens.—Sacred Fire.—The Serpent.—Tradition of the Eagle.—Green Corn Dance.—Vocabulary of Words.

The history of the Pueblo Indians presents many points of interest, and as the subject is one with which the readers of our country are almost entirely unacquainted, I will briefly narrate a few of the leading incidents connected with their early intercourse with the Spaniards. These facts are drawn from official documents, and may be relied upon as correct.

When the Spaniards first came to the country and made permanent settlements, now more than two centuries and a half ago, they found these Indians numerous and powerful, living peaceful and happly lives in their villages, and supplied with the comforts and necessaries of life. The Europeans overran and took possession of their mountains and valleys, and reduced the inhabitants from independence to a state of servitude; the pleasures of their simple and primitive life were at an end, and they saw themselves, in a few years, "the hewers of wood

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and drawers of water" for a new and more powerful race of men. They were obliged to give up the faith of their fathers, which they had worshiped from time immemorial, and embrace the Catholic religion. They saw their estufas closed, their articles of religious ceremony destroyed, and all their ancient rites entirely interdicted. This treatment begat a feeling of hatred toward the Spaniards, whom they began to regard as intruders in their country and usurpers of their lands, and deemed it their duty to expel them by force of arms. Neither the teachings of the priests nor the punishment inflicted upon them from time to time was able to extinguish the hostility that filled their bosoms, and they only awaited a proper occasion to take up arms and drive out the invaders.

They made several attempts at rebellion before they met with success, their plans being either discovered by the watchful care of the Spaniards, or divulged by traitors in their own ranks. The first effort of the kind was about the year 1640, while Governor Arguello was at the head of affairs in the province. The immediate cause of this attempted outbreak was the whipping and hanging of forty Indians, who refused to give up their ancient religious worship and become good Catholics. The conspiracy was discovered and nipped in the bud. In the year 1650, while General Concha was governor, they made a second attempt of the kind, which likewise proved unsuccessful. This was placed on foot by the leading men of the pueblos of Ysleta, Alameda, San Felipe, Cochiti, and Jemez. The time fixed upon for the rising was the Thursday night of Passion Week. The Indians were to rise while the Spaniards were in the churches engaged in religious exercises, and fall upon them by surprise, when all were to be massacred or driven from the country. A party had been sent out to

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secure the horses of the Spaniards, to prevent their escape; but, being arrested and examined by the order of the governor, the whole plot became known, and the ringleaders were secured. Those arrested were afterward tried: some of them were hanged or otherwise put to death, and others were sold into slavery for a term of years. There were several other attempts at rebellion between the years 1640 and 1680, and although the Indians were unsuccessful in every instance, they were not discouraged from making subsequent efforts to free themselves from the yoke of the Spaniards. The first general conspiracy among all the pueblos of the country was that put on foot while General Villanueva was the governor and captain-general of the province, the head and front of which was one Estevan Clemente, the governor of the Salt Lake pueblo. He was a man of note among the Indians, and aroused up his brethren to resistance. The plan of operations was about the same as those fixed upon in the time of General Concha. The Thursday night of Passion Week was again to be the time of rising, and the Indians were to seize all the horses to prevent the escape of the Spaniards. The conspiracy was discovered in time to prevent its being carried into effect, and thus failed, as in former attempts.

The first rebellion which met with even partial success was that which broke out in the year 1680, while Don Antonio de Otermin was governor and captain-general. In this attempt they were fully successful for a time, and not only succeeded in driving the Spaniards from the country, but maintained their independence for twelve years, in opposition to all the force the government could send against them. The conspiracy was placed on foot in the first place by the Taos Indians, who made an effort to unite all the pueblos in a common cause. The method of communicating information of

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the proposed rising was simple in the extreme. Two deer-skins were taken, upon which were made drawings representing the manner of the conspiracy and the object of it, which were sent round to all the villages by trusty hands, with an invitation to join in the rebellion and assist in the expulsion of the Spaniards. All acquiesced in the plan except the seven villages of the Moquis, for which reason the matter was dropped for the time being.

A second attempt was made the same year, soon afterward, which led to successful results. The leading spirits in this enterprise were Popé—by some said to have been a native of the pueblo of Taos, and by others a native of San Juan—and Catiti, a Queres Indian. They were shrewd and able men, and knew well the means to take to rouse up their countrymen to resistance. Popé seized upon the superstition of his untutored brethren, and turned it to a good account. He shut himself up for a time in the estufa, and would neither see nor hold any intercourse with his companions. When he appeared again in the village, he informed them that he had held communion with the devil, and through him feigned to have received messages from the infernal regions. These revelations directed him as to the course he should pursue to meet with success. He was to unite all the pueblos in a common league against the Spaniards, and the method of giving them information was also pointed out. He was to make a rope of palm-leaf fibres, in which were to be tied a number of knots. This was to be forwarded from pueblo to pueblo by the swiftest runners, and each village that joined in the conspiracy was to untie a knot. The number of knots remaining in the rope when it should be returned whence it was sent would signify the number of days before the outbreak was to take place. The rope was sent round as the devil had directed, and all the villages to which it was carried

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showed their approval of the plan by each one untying a knot.

The organization was effected with the greatest secrecy, and every possible means taken to prevent a discovery and insure success; and they were so fearful their conspiracy might be divulged to the enemy, it is said they did not let a woman into the secret. Even those who fell under suspicion were put to death; and Popé caused his own son-in-law, Nicolas Bua, governor of the pueblo of San Juan, to be killed, for no other reason than because he was suspected of treachery by some of the conspirators. The day fixed upon for the breaking out of the rebellion was the tenth of August (1680), and the poor Indians looked forward to its arrival as the period that was to deliver their necks from the yoke of the Spaniards. They had newly bent their bows, and tipped their arrows afresh to draw Christian blood, and with impatience awaited their day of deliverance. Treachery, in spite of all their precautions, lurked in their own ranks, and their whole plan of operations became known to the Spaniards. Five days before the revolution was to commence, two Indians of the pueblo of Tezuque visited the Spanish governor at Santa Fé, and divulged to him the conspiracy, and thus he was placed upon his guard.

The Indians were aware, the same day, that their plot was discovered, and, fearing that delay might endanger the whole enterprise, they resolved to take up arms immediately. They commenced the work of death that night, and killed all the Spaniards who had the misfortune to fall into their hands, being particularly hostile against the priests. The Christians were in dismay, but made the best disposition to defend themselves possible. Word was sent to all the settlements of the rebellion, with orders for the inhabitants to prepare themselves for the emergency. In a few days several thousand Indians

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were in arms, and advanced upon Santa Fé, the capital, which they surrounded and placed in a state of siege. The place was closely invested for some time, and several actions were fought between the opposing parties, when the Spaniards evacuated the town, which the Indians allowed them to do without molestation. The Pueblos immediately entered and took possession of the place. They dismantled the Christian churches, and destroyed the images and sacred vestments; they established, in place of the Catholic religion, which force had compelled them to adopt, their heathen rites in all their relations; they re-opened the estufas, which had been closed for years, and celebrated their success in the cachina dance. This course was pursued in all parts of the country, and they endeavored, as far as possible, to obliterate all traces of the Christian religion.

The defeated Spaniards marched to El Paso del Norte, undergoing many hardships on the way. The fugitive troops remained encamped near that place until the autumn of the following year, awaiting re-enforcements and supplies for a reconquest of the country. They arrived in October, and in the month of November Otermin took up the line of march for New Mexico, with an army of several hundred men and a good supply of provisions. He proceeded, in spite of deep snows and cold weather, which he encountered nearly all the way up the valley as far as the pueblo of San Félipe, where he met the enemy in such force that he deemed it advisable to retreat, and so retraced his steps to El Paso. Several subsequent efforts were made to bring the revolted Indians to subjection, but none of the commanders were successful until the Viceroy of Mexico sent Bargas into the country in 1692. He succeeded in reducing all the pueblos to terms, and by the year 1696 peace and quietness were restored to the whole province. He marched throughout

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the country with his victorious arms, and village after village submitted to the conqueror. During the contest Santa Fé was taken and retaken several times, and the poor natives exhibited a bravery worthy the cause in which they were fighting.

From the close of the rebellion of 1680 to the year 1837 the two races lived in comparative peace with each other. The Spaniards abated some of the rigor they had hitherto practiced toward the Indians, and the latter were secured in the enjoyment of privileges they did not before possess. In the latter year, as has been already mentioned, they again rose in rebellion, and advanced in thousands upon the capital. The troops were defeated, the governor and leading officials put to death, and the government fell into the hands of the Indians. They retained it, however, for a few weeks only, when they were overpowered by the Mexican authorities, and again brought to subjection. Since the close of the war with Mexico they have remained at peace with our government, and seem pleased with the change of masters. They are friendly in their feelings toward the Americans, but have always manifested hostility to the Mexicans. The good-will they manifest toward our people is probably produced, in some degree, by circumstances. It is said they have always had a tradition among them that a new race of men would come from the east to deliver them from the bondage of the Spaniards and Mexicans, and the Americans, coming from that quarter, may have led them to believe that we were their promised deliverers. When General Kearney took possession of the country in 1846, the Pueblo Indians were among the first to give in their adherence to the new order of things, and, with the exception of the Taos Indians taking part in the rebellion of 1847, they have never manifested other than the most friendly disposition. Upon several occasions they have volunteered to assist our troops in chastising the wild tribes for depredations committed upon the settlements, and have always fought with a gallantry hardly second to the United States troops. As guides and spies in Indian warfare they are invaluable, and they will follow a hostile trail with the keenness of a bloodhound, and that, too, even when the most experienced woodsman can see no signs of footsteps.

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The population of the Pueblo Indians at the present time is not more than ten thousand souls. They yet live in little communities entirely separate and distinct from the Mexican population, with their own local customs and laws. Their villages are constructed of adobes, and in a style peculiar to themselves. In some instances the houses are small, and built around a square court-yard, while in other cases the village is composed of two or three large buildings contiguous to each other, which sometimes accommodate as many as a thousand or fifteen hundred people. They look much more like fortresses than dwelling-places, and if properly manned are capable of making a strong defense against small arms. The pueblo near the town of Don Fernandez de Taos, in the northern part of the territory, is the best sample of the ancient mode of building. Here there are two large houses three or four hundred feet in length, and about a hundred and fifty feet wide at the base. They are situated upon opposite sides of a small creek, and in ancient times are said to have been connected by a bridge. They are five and six stories high, each story receding from the one below it, and thus forming a structure terraced from top to bottom. Each story is divided into numerous little compartments, the outer tiers of rooms being lighted by small windows in the sides, while those in the interior of the building are dark, and are principally used as store-rooms. One of the most singular

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features of these buildings is the absence of any direct communication with the outside on the ground floor. The only means of entrance is through a trap-door in the roof, and you ascend, from story to story, by means of ladders upon the outside, which are drawn up at night, and the population sleep secure from attack from without. This method of gaining access to the inside of the house is common to all the pueblos, and was probably adopted in early times as a means of defense against the wild tribes by which they were surrounded. In the two buildings at Taos about eight hundred men, women, and children live together like one large family, and apparently in much harmony. It is the custom to have a sentinel stationed upon the house-top, whose duty it is to give notice of the approach of danger.

Each pueblo contains an estufa, which is used both as a council-chamber and a place of worship, where they practice such of their heathen rites as still exist among them. It is built partly under ground, and is considered a consecrated and holy place. Here they hold all their deliberations upon public affairs, and transact the necessary business of the village. It is said to be their custom, when they return from a successful war expedition, to repair to the estufa, where they strip themselves of their clothing, and dance and otherwise celebrate their success; and that, upon some occasions, they remain there two or three days before visiting their families.

The government of the pueblos is purely democratic; and although they are in some instances subject to the laws of the United States and of the Territory, in most respects they are independent communities. Each village is entirely independent of the others, with its own local government and laws; and there is no common bond of union between them. An election is held each year for a governor, alcalde, fiscal or constable, and a war

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captain, and in all cases the majority of votes decides the contest. The governor is also called the cacique; and immediately after his election he repairs to Santa Fé to the agent for the Pueblo Indians, to receive confirmation of office.

The latter has no power of confirmation, but they come and announce their election as a matter of custom. They formerly presented themselves to the governor of the Territory, but since an agent has been appointed to watch over their interests, this official visitation is made to him. Upon such state occasions, his red excellency brings with him a silver-headed cane, his staff of office, and assumes as much dignity as a bona fide white governor. The process of confirmation simply consists in the agent taking the cane into his hands, and then handing it back to the governor; but under the Mexican government it was the custom, I believe, for the new incumbent to kneel before the governor of the Territory, to whom he presented himself, who confirmed him by some process of laying on of hands. The alcalde is the judiciary of the village, from whose court there is no appeal; and the fiscal serves all legal process, and enforces obedience to their customs and laws. The war captain is their mighty man of Mars—he who sets their squadrons in the field, and leads them on to victory. In the "piping times of peace" he is a mere nobody, and has neither power nor dignity of office wherewith to console himself; but when the "blast of war sounds in his ears," he is clothed with great authority. He then becomes "commander-in-chief of the army and navy" thereof, and is the champion of the tawny warriors both in the council-chamber and in the field.

Besides the officers elected by universal suffrage, the principal chiefs compose a "council of wise men," whose duty it is to manage the internal affairs of the pueblo.

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Whenever any business of importance is required to be transacted, the governor assembles the council, his "constitutional advisers," in the estufa, where the matter is discussed and afterward decided by a vote of those present, the majority always controlling. Among other regulations is the appointment of a secret watch, whose duty it is to prevent vice and disorder in the village, and particularly to have an eye on the young people, and see that they do not have improper intercourse with each other. If any act of this kind is discovered, the offenders are arraigned before the governor and council to answer, and if the case is clearly established they are compelled to marry forthwith; but if the girl is of good character, and the man refuses to marry her, there is no force used, but they are sentenced to remain apart, under penalty of being whipped. Their strictness in this particular has done much toward preserving the chastity of their females.

As heretofore mentioned, the Pueblo Indians have embraced the Catholic religion, and at the present time I believe the Moquis are the only ones among whom there are neither transitory nor permanent priests. At an early day there were missionaries among the latter, who were either killed or driven away during the revolution, and their places were never afterward filled. Although nominally Catholics, they still cling to many of their heathen rites, and mingle their pagan ceremonies with the forms of Christian worship. One of their ancient rites is called the cachina dance, to which they are much attached, and which they celebrate at certain seasons of the year with great rejoicings. This dance was suppressed by the Spaniards when they first made a conquest of the country and forced their religion upon the natives, which the Indians considered so great a deprivation that it is alleged as one of the main causes of the

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rebellion of 1680. Each village has a church, where a Catholic priest officiates at stated periods, one priest serving two or three pueblos where they are not a great distance from each other. They pay tithes of all they possess, which is a burdensome tax upon them. They are punctual in all the outward observances of the Church, but they scarcely understand more than the mere forms that are presented to the sight. They are said still to worship the sun, as was the custom with their heathen ancestors, and that every morning they turn the face toward the east, whence they look for the coming of Montezuma.

The land belonging to each pueblo is held in common by the inhabitants, but for purposes of cultivation it is parceled out to the several families, who raise their own crops, and dispose of the produce of their labor. Irrigation is necessary, and by careful tillage they can raise as fine crops as any produced in the Territory. They grow wheat, corn, beans, and vegetables and fruits. They have paid considerable attention to the cultivation of the grape, and some of the pueblos own large and valuable vineyards. They make wine from the grapes, and also sell them in a ripe state in the neighboring Mexican towns. They raise stock, and some of the pueblos own considerable herds of horses, mules, oxen, and sheep.

As a class, the Pueblo Indians are among the most orderly and useful people in the Territory; they are industrious, frugal, and peaceable, and generally live in harmony with each other and the surrounding Mexican population. There are no paupers or drones among them, because all are obliged to labor and contribute something to the weal of the community to which they belong. Their weapons are the bow and arrow, and a few old guns. They are a brave people, and have oftentimes shown themselves more than a match for the wild Indians.

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The only defensive armor they use is a rude shield made of raw bull-hide. When a dispute arises among them, it is generally settled in an amicable manner by the governor and his council, and it is very seldom they go into the courts of justice to seek redress. They are in a lamentable state of ignorance, and it is a very rare thing to find one who can either read or write. They are extremely superstitious, and are firm believers in witchcraft in all its variety. A little more than two years ago, the council and governor of the pueblo of Nambé caused two of the inhabitants of that village to be put to death in a most cruel manner, because they were accused of eating up all the little children of the pueblo. They are degenerating as a race, the principal cause being their constant intermarriage in the same pueblo; and it is a very rare thing that any of the young men seek wives among the neighboring villages. In this respect they seem to follow the example of the royal families of Europe, and their blood is losing its strength about as rapidly. As a class they are honest, and are generally free from drunkenness.

They retain, in a great measure, their aboriginal costume, and in but few instances have adopted the dress worn by the Mexicans. The outer garments of the men consist of a jacket and leggins made of deer-skins, tanned; the leggins are worn by all, but many dispense with the jacket, and wrap up in a buffalo robe, which they gird around the waist. Some wear a blanket instead of the buffalo robe, and a few wear cotton shirts. The women wear leggins the same as the men; but instead of the jacket or buffalo robe, they wear a handsome blanket or mantle over the shoulders, in such a manner as to leave both arms free. A shorter blanket, called a tilma, is worn in front, falling down as low as the knee; and both the tilma and the blanket worn over the shoulders are

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fastened by a girdle around the waist. They are of a dark ground, and woven in various figures of bright colors, and the leggins are ornamented with beads. Both sexes wear moccasins upon the feet instead of shoes, and go bareheaded. The hair is worn long, and is done up in a great queue that falls down behind. There is a variance in the dress of the different pueblos, some approaching nearer to that of the wild Indians of the prairies. There is a marked difference between the costume of the northern and southern pueblos.

They appear to have lost most of the few arts they possessed when the country was first discovered by the Spaniards. Then they manufactured some fabrics of cotton, and other articles of curious workmanship. They still make a coarse kind of blanket for their own use, but they devote the greater part of their time to the manufacture of earthenware, which they sell in quantities to the Mexicans. It exhibits some skill, and is often adorned with various devices painted upon it before it is burned. This ware is in universal use in the territory, and there is considerable demand for it in the market. They also make vessels of wicker-work tight enough to hold water after they have been once saturated. They are formed of the fibres of some plant ingeniously plaited together, and some of the proper size and shape are used by travelers as canteens.

Their food is simple and wholesome, and is the same found in common use among the Mexican population. It consists principally of tortillas, frijoles, atole, pinole, and chile, the method of preparing all of which will be described elsewhere. They are probably of aboriginal origin, and were adopted by the first Spanish settlers who came into the country. They make another quality of bread from maize different from the tortilla, the use of which is principally confined to the Indians, which is

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called guayave. The corn is first ground on the metate, and then mixed with water into a thin paste, when it is baked before the fire upon flat stones heated for that purpose. The paste is laid on in exceedingly thin layers, and is almost immediately baked and peeled off, when a new supply is placed upon the stone. They are about the thickness of a wafer, and when a large number of them are baked, they are rolled together and form the guayave. The natives make great use of them when performing long journeys, and they will subsist for many days upon a few of these simple rolls.

The Pueblo Indians are not recognized as citizens of the United States, or of the Territory of New Mexico, in which respect they are in the same condition as the wild tribes, but in other particulars they are placed in a more favorable position. The laws protect them in their persons and property, and they have the right to sue in courts of justice the same as citizens, for this purpose being created bodies politic by the territorial Legislature. They are also made amenable to the criminal laws of the Territory for offenses committed against one of their own number or against a citizen. An agent is appointed by the President to watch over their interests, and Congress has appropriated twelve thousand dollars to be expended in the purchase of agricultural implements for the various pueblos.

The question as to whether the Pueblo Indians are citizens of the United States has been mooted and discussed upon two occasions, and there are not wanting those who contend that they are entitled to all the political rights of the free white male inhabitants of the Union. This view of the case is manifestly wrong; and where the evidence is so clear to the contrary, this opinion must have been embraced in the absence of a proper examination of the subject. It is maintained by those who hold

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the affirmative, that inasmuch as these Indians were citizens of the republic of Mexico before the United States acquired the territory, they became, upon the ratification of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, citizens of the United States. I will examine the question briefly.

While Spain held the country, none but Spaniards or Europeans were recognized as citizens of the monarchy, all the mixed races being excluded. During the revolution which resulted in the independence of Mexico, the revolutionists, in order to attach the masses to their cause, declared all the inhabitants of the country to be citizens, whether Europeans, Africans, or Indians. This doctrine, in words at least, appears to have been recognized in the plan of Iguala, the treaty of Cordova, and two or three subsequent decrees of the Mexican Congress, down as late as the 17th of September, 1822. But after the independence was established, and the federal Constitution formed, I know of no law or act of the government that recognized them as citizens of the republic, but the contrary appears to have been the case. If the Pueblos were entitled to these rights, so were the wild tribes also, as the word "Indians" is used without any qualification as to class; and if the authorities cited embrace one portion of the race, they embrace all, which would include the Nabajos, Apaches, and Utahs. The truth is, that Mexico, after the revolution, never did consider the Pueblo Indians citizens, but they were always viewed as wards, subject to the control of the government. The land they occupied was only held by the right of possession, and they were expressly forbidden to sell, rent, lease, or in any manner alienate the same; and as late as the year 1827, the Mexican Congress had to confirm the sale of a rancho belonging to the pueblo of Cochiti before the purchaser could obtain a title. The acts and decrees upon this subject are still in force in

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New Mexico, wherein they do not conflict with the Constitution and laws of the United States. Now it is very evident that if these Indians had enjoyed an equality of civil rights with the other inhabitants of Mexico, as is alleged, they would have been allowed to dispose of their lands, as was the case with Mexican citizens.

But, admitting that the Pueblo Indians were citizens of Mexico while under her jurisdiction, it by no means follows that they were made citizens of the United States by the operation of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. That document is very clear upon this point, and we need not go behind it to determine the question. The ninth article provides as follows, viz.: ‘‘The Mexicans who, in the territory aforesaid, shall not preserve the character of citizens of the Mexican republic conformably with what is stipulated in the preceding article, shall be incorporated into the Union of the United States, and be admitted at the proper time (to be judged of by the Congress of the United States) to the enjoyment of all the rights of citizens of the United States, according to the principles of the Constitution, and in the mean time shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty and property, and secured in the free exercise of their religion without restriction.’’

Now no man who has eyes to read and sense to understand can place a wrong construction upon this clause of the treaty without a willful intention to do so. The only class of persons in the acquired territory who can lay any claim to be admitted to the rights of citizens of the United States are those that belong to the race known as "Mexicans," who are specified as a class, without any reference whatever to their citizenship; and, according to the tenor of the ninth article, their being citizens of Mexico at the making of the treaty does not

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seem to have been a requisite to entitle them to the benefits of it in this particular, if they were "Mexicans." If the words Mexican citizens had been used, then a legal question might have arisen as to who were citizens of that republic at the time the treaty was made; but, under the present circumstances, no such question can arise, because the treaty designates "Mexicans" instead of Mexican citizens. This wording excludes every description of persons except those specially named, unless by some modern political or judicial jugglery a "Mexican" can be changed into an Indian, or an Indian moulded into a "Mexican." Such transformation would cast into the shade all the tricks of Herr Alexander or the Fakir of Ava. Even the "Mexicans" themselves did not become citizens of the United States by virtue of the treaty with Mexico, who were not admitted as such until Congress judged the "proper time" to have arrived, being protected, in the mean time, in the enjoyment of their liberty and property, and the free exercise of their religion. There is a condition annexed to this investiture of citizenship which can only be confirmed according to the principles of the Constitution; and our courts have held long ago that Indians are not citizens in the meaning of that instrument. This article of the treaty was inserted by the Senate of the United States, and it is not likely that that body meant to confer rights upon the Indians acquired from Mexico which are denied to our native Indians.

The Act of Congress, approved September 9th, 1855, establishing a territorial government in New Mexico, shows the construction Congress placed upon the treaty as regards citizenship. Under this act Indians are excepted in providing for an apportionment of the inhabitants for representatives, and none are allowed to vote and hold office except "white male inhabitants," citizens

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of the United States, including those recognized as citizens by the treaty with Mexico. These authorities seem clearly to settle the question, and deny the rights of citizens to all Indians, the Pueblos as well as the wild tribes; but if Indians are citizens of the United States by virtue of the plan of Iguala, the treaty of Cordova, subsequent decrees, and the treaty of Guadalupe, so are Africans, since whatever political rights these two races have in the territory acquired from Mexico are drawn from the same source and must be equal.

Many curious tales are related of the superstitious customs of the Indians, among which I find the following told of the Pecos pueblo. It is said that in the estufa the sacred fire was kept constantly burning, having been originally kindled by Montezuma. It was in a basin of a small altar, and, in order to prevent its becoming extinguished, a watch was kept over it day and night. The tradition runs that Montezuma had enjoined upon their ancestors not to allow the fire to expire until he should return to deliver them from the Spaniards, and hence their watchful care over it. He was expected to appear with the rising sun, and every morning the Indians went upon the house-tops, and, with eyes turned toward the east, looked for the coming of their monarch. Alas for them, he never came; and when the smouldering embers had expired, they gave up all hope of deliverance, and sought new homes in a distant pueblo. The task of watching the sacred fires was assigned to the warriors, who served by turns for a period of two days and two nights at a time, without eating or drinking, while some say that they remained upon duty until death or exhaustion relieved them from their post. The remains of those who died from the effect of watching are said to have been carried to the den of a great serpent, which appears to have lived upon these delicacies

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alone. Mr. Gregg, in speaking of this circumstance, remarks as follows: ‘‘This huge snake (invented, no doubt, by the lovers of the marvelous to account for the constant disappearance of the Indians) was represented as the idol which they worshiped, and as subsisting entirely upon the flesh of his devotees; live infants, however, seemed to suit his palate best. The story of this wonderful serpent was so firmly believed in by many ignorant people, that on one occasion I heard an honest ranchero assert that, upon entering the village very early upon a winter's morning, he saw the huge trail of the reptile in the snow as large as that of a dragging ox.’’

The survivors of the Pecos Indians relate another tradition connected with the early history of their people. Upon one occasion, and before the Spaniards had settled in the country, a man and his little son went into the mountains to gather wood. The boy was startled at the sound of a voice, and asked his father who spoke to them, who replied that he did not hear any body, and they continued to pick up wood. In a few moments the voice was heard again, when the father looked up and saw a large eagle perched in the top of a high pine-tree. The bird now told the Indian that the king across the waters was sending people into the country to take care of the Pueblos, and that if he would come back to that spot in eight days, it could tell him when they would arrive. The eagle also directed him to inform his village what he had heard. When the Indian returned to the pueblo, he told the head men he had something to communicate, who assembled in the estufa to listen to him, when he related an account of the appearance of the eagle and what it had said to him. At the end of eight days he returned to the mountain, where he found the eagle awaiting him, which informed him that the men from across the waters would arrive in two days, and

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that all his people must go to meet them, and welcome them to the country, which was accordingly done. This tradition is believed by the remnant of this pueblo, and they relate it with apparent pleasure as an important epoch in their past history. In reference to the legends of the Pueblo Indians, I would remark that they should be received with much allowance, particularly those that ralate to Montezuma. Among these people there exists neither the semblance of music or poetry never so rude, and it is at least questionable whether correct tradition can be preserved among those who have no knowledge of these two arts; and I doubt whether the Pueblo Indians ever heard of Montezuma until they came in contact with the early Spanish priests.

At stated periods they practice various dances in their villages, which have been handed down from their heathen ancestors. Some belong to their religious rites, and others do not. That known as You-pel-lay, or the green corn dance, as performed by the Indians of Jemez, is thus described in the journal of Lieutenant Simpson:


When the performers first appeared, all of whom were men, they came in a line, slowly walking, and bending and stooping as they approached. They were dressed in a kind of blanket, the upper portion of their bodies being naked and painted a dark red. Their legs and arms, which were also bare, were variously striped with red, white, and blue colors, and around their arms, above the elbow, they wore a green band decked with sprigs of piñon. A necklace of the same description was worn around the neck. Their heads were decorated with feathers. In one hand they carried a dry gourd containing some grains of corn, with which they produced a rattling kind of music; in the other a string, from which were hung several tortillas. At the knee were fastened small shells of the ground turtle and antelopes' feet, and

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dangling from the back, at the waist, depended a fox-skin. The musicians were habited in the common costume of the village, and made their music in a sitting posture. Their instruments consisted each of half a gourd, placed before them with the convex side up, and upon this they placed with their left hand a smooth stick, and with their right drew forward and backward upon it, in a sawing manner, a notched one. This produced a sound much like that of grinding corn upon a metate, a slightly concave stone.

The party were accompanied by three elders of the town, whose business it was to make a short speech in front of the different houses, and at particular times join in the singing of the rest of the party. Thus they went from house to house singing and dancing, the occupant of each awaiting their arrival in front of their respective dwelling.


In conclusion of this subject, I give a vocabulary of words in the language of most of the pueblos, taken from the journal of Lieutenant Simpson. It will be seen that we differ a little in the classification of the pueblos as regards their nationality. My arrangement is based mainly upon the classification of Cruzate made in 1692, which I have no doubt was correct as then given. He spent a considerable time in the country, visited the various pueblos, and had a good opportunity of becoming acquainted with the Indians and their language. He divides them into four nations, and places Jemez, Zuñi, and Moqui as belonging to the Queres division and speaking the same language. The vocabulary of Lieutenant Simpson makes these pueblos speak different languages, which can not be the case unless Cruzate was in error, or that since his time these people have changed their languages, neither of which is probable. These villages in 1692 spoke the same language as his class marked (1),

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as also did that of Old Pecos, now classed with Jemez, and I believe he has fallen into an error in separating them. The first three classes represent the nations of Queres, Piro, and Tegua, and, with the exception of the discrepance I have pointed out, his classification substantially agrees with that of Cruzate. As to the Indian names of the various objects he gives, I have no means of testing their correctness, as I have not had an opportunity of learning any of the languages mentioned. I take them, however, to be in the main correct.

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In the language of the Pueblo Indians of—
Name of the Object in English. Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana, Silla, Laguna, Acoma, Conchiti. (1.) San Juan, Santa Clara, S. Ildefonso, Pojuaque, Nambe, Tezuque. (2.) Taos, Picoris, Sandia, Isleta. (3.) Jemez and Old Pecos. (4.) Zuni. (5.) Moqui. (6.)
God… Dios (Spanish). Montezuma, they say, is synonymous with Dios Give no other word than the Spanish Dios Huam-may-ah Pay (same as for sun) Ho-ae-wo-nae-we-oh-nah Toe-kill.
Heavens… Toke-pay-lah.
Sun… Pah Hoo-len-nah Pay Yat-tock-kah Tah-wah.
Moon … Poy-ye Pan-nah Pah-ah Moo-yah.
Star … She-cat A-doy-e-ah Hah-he-glan-nah Woon-hah Mo-yat-chu-way
Cloud… O-mow.
Earth… Hah-ats Nah Pah-han-nah Dock-ah Ou-lock-nan-nay Touch-quae.
Man … Hats-see Say-en Tah-hah-ne-nah Shu-o-tish Oat-se Se-ke-ah.
Woman … Nai-at-say Ker Clay-an-nah Ste-osh O-care
Wife… Kar-nats-shu Nah-we-so Could give no word Ne-ohoy Could give no word
Boy … O-nue An-noh Oy-you-oo-nah Art-se-ke
Boy (infant). Sah-wish-sha Ah-cue
Girl … Koy-yah An-ugh Koo-ay-lon-nah Tza-nah
Girl (infant). Sah-wish-sha Tond-o-hos-che We-at-zah-nah
Head … Nash-can-ne Pum-bah Pi-ne-mah Chit-chous O-shuck-quin-nay Qua-tah.
Forehead … Cop-pay Sic-co-vah Pah-hem-nah Wah-pay Huck-kin-nay Col-ler.
Face … Ko-wah Cha-ay Cha-gah-neem-may Tcho-lah No-pon-ne-nay
Eye… Kan-nah Chay Che-nay Saech Too-nah-way Po-se.
Nose… Kar-wish-she Shay Poo-ae-nah For-saech No-lin-nay Ya-kuch.
Mouth … Tsee-kah Sho Clah-mo-e-nah E-ae-quah Ae-wah-tin-nay Mo-ah.
Teeth … Har-at-chay-nay Moo-ah Moo-en-nah-en-hay Goo-whan O-nah-way Tah-mah.
Tongue… Wah-at-chin Hah May-oon-on-en-ah Ain-lah Ho-nin-nay Ling-a.
Chin… Tzars-kah Sab-boh Clah-bon-hay Ah-tish Klay-which-chin-nay Ke-at.
Ear… Kah-u-pah O-ye-o Tag-lay-o-nay Wash-chish Sah-schuck-tin-nay Nock-a-wuck.
Hair … Har-tran Poh Pah-han-nay Fore-lah Ti-ah-way Hay-me.
Neck… Wit-trah-ne Kah Gah-ne-may Toe Kiss-sin-nay Qua-pe.
Arm … Kah-u-may Ko Hah-en-nay Hah Ar-se-way Mah-at.
Elbow… Cher-ber.
Hand … Kah-mosh-tay Mah Mah-tish Shon-che-way Mock-tay.
Finger … Mah-latz.
Breast … Quaist-pah Pe-ah Pah-ah-kay-nay-ne-may Pay-lu Po-at-tan-nay Toe-witz-kah.
Leg… Kay-ah-kah Pah-nay Hong Sack-que-a-way Ho-kah.
Knee… Tom-me.
Foot … Kar-tay Ah E-en-en-nah Awn-dash Wake-que-a-way Her-kuck.
Deer … Ke-ah-ne Pah-ye Tah-mean-mah Pah-ah
Buffalo … Moo-shats Kah Kah-nah-neem-mah Toss-chach Too-she-kay-one-na-nay
Horse … Kah-yai-oh (probably a corruption of the Span.caballo) As in Sp. Kah-wan-nah (probably a corruption of the Spanish) Gu-wah Too-she As in Spanish.
Serpent … Skers-ker Could give no word Hatch-oo-nah Pay-chu-lah Che-to-lah
Rattlesnake … Shrue-o-we Poy-yoh Pi-ho-own Kae-ah-vae-lah yy…
Dog … Tish Cher So-dor-nah Can-nu Wat-se-tah Po-ku.
Cat … Moos Moo-sah Moo-se-e-nah Moon-sah Moo-sah
Fire … Kah-kan-ye Fah Pah-an-nah Fwa-ah Mack-ke Day-bor.
Wood … Sun Ser-her-be.
Water… Tseats Ogh Poh-ah-oon Pah Ke-a-o-way
Stone … Ke-ah-ah
Cactus … Ae-mocch-te Sow-wah Te-ah Tze-nan-nay
Corn … Melah Kar-uk.
Bean… Se-ka-mo-se.
Bread … Pah (probably a corruption of the Spanish pan) As in Sp. Ah-coon-nah Zo-tane-bae-lah Moo-lun-nay
Flesh … Ish-sha-ne Pe-we Toe-an-nay Gu-nay-wat-si She-lay
Bow… Au-tah.
Arrow … Ho-huck.
Fusil… O-nistz Pe-quar-re Tah-we-nah Tah-lis-tah Toe-o-an-nan-nay A-muck-te.
Sword… Se-po-wah.
Spurs … Se-pom-uck-ke.
Whip … Wo-bock-pe.
Pipe … Chong.
Hat… Pa-ta-nock-a.
Friend … Ke-mah Chee.


1. The reader will observe in this chapter some repetition of facts mentioned in Chapter III., which could not be well avoided, but was required in order to make each subject complete in itself.

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