Notes to the Chapters


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Preface

1. Long 1971, p. 406.

2. U.S. Bureau of the Census 1972, 1-324-26.

3. Brunsman, 1953, p. 3C-59–70.

4. Davis 1869; Defouri 1893; Twitchell 1911–12, 1925; Hackett 1923–37; Meyer 1926; Hammond and Rey 1929, 1953, 1966; Espinosa 1940; Benavides 1945; Dominguez 1956; Thomas 1932, 1935; Schroeder & Matson 1986; others.

5. Burma 1954.

6. Kibbe 1946.

7. Dodson 1951; Madsen 1964; Romano V. 1960, 1965; Rubel 1966.

8. Hawes 1856; Hughes 1875; Powers 1897; Carter 1900; James 1913; Newcomb 1925; Engelhardt 1908–1916; Lummis 1936; Bolton 1926, 1927, 1930.

9. Clark 1959.

10. Few book-length analyses of Arizona's Spanish heritage have previously appeared. John L. Kessell (1970) has published a full-length history of the Jesuit mission at Guebavi. The Native American population of Guebavi died or moved elsewhere (Dobyns 1963), however, so its history forms only a footnote to the process of permanent European settlement within the Gadsden Purchase area and Arizona. Although the Jesuit pioneer Eusebio F. Kino has been the subject of several volumes, his field of action included much of northwestern Sonora as well as southwestern Arizona. Cf. Bolton 1936, 1948; Burrus 1954, 1961.

11. Brunsman 1953 p. 3C-6.

12. As Scholes (1962:22) observed, an earlier emphasis by historians upon “narrative writing, biography or the dramatic event” has contributed to a lack of adequate attention paid to colonial economy and society. Cline (1962:174) at the same time asked for “multi-cultural studies of socio-economic matters.…”

13. Heizer and Almquist 1971.

14. Scholes 1962, p. 17.


Founding a Jesuit Mission Near Tucson, 1694–1756

1. Chambers 1955, p. 15.

2. Lumholtz 1912, p. 385.

3. Ibid., and author's interviews with many Papagos.

4. Page 1930; p. 13. Warner's Hill took its name from Solomon Warner, who arrived in Tucson on 21 March 1856 with 13 mule-loads of merchandise. When Confederate forces confiscated his goods in 1862, he moved to Santa Cruz, Sonora. After the war, he erected a flourmill on the slope of Sentinel Peak in 1874–75. Bishop Jean B. Salpointe granted him the right of way and water right from the Tucson Pueblo mission property (Lockwood 1943:51, 55). This mill then led some people to refer to Sentinel Peak as “Warner's Hill.”

5. Bolton 1948, Vol. I, pp. 127–128. For the convenience of the reader accustomed to the modern form “Tucson,” the text will henceforth employ this version of the Northern Piman place name except when quoting a document with an earlier form.

6. Ibid., Vol. I, p. 173; Burrus 1971, p. 348.


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7. Smith et al. 1966, p. 14; Burrus 1971, p. 562. Carrasco probably copied Kino.

8. Karns 1954, p. 125; Manje 1926, p. 271; Burrus 1971, p. 402. Manje in another manuscript reported “riding through six rancherías each only a harquebus shot distance from one another” (ibid., pp. 245, 430), in the midst of extensive cultivated fields irrigated from many ditches.

9. Bolton, 1948, Vol. I, p. 206, not in 1698 as Page (1930:12) had it; Manje on 1 Nov. 1699, again reported “4 small rancherías” a league apart between Bac and Oiaur (Burrus 1971:452), indicating he settled on the smaller number as more accurate.

10. Page 1930, p. 12, pointed this fact out.

11. Bolton 1948, Vol. I, p. 206.

12. Burrus 1971, p. 430.

13. Castetter and Bell 1942; Maize pp. 30–32, 38, 46, 73, 79; beans pp. 32, 46, 73, 89; cotton pp. 32, 38, 46, 73, 102; squash pp. 38, 73, 100; wheat pp. 114; amaranthus p. 33; chenopodium p. 33; devil's claw p. 113; melons p. 118; tobacco p. 108.

14. Bolton 1948, Vol. I, p. 236.

15. Burrus 1971, p. 452.

16. Bolton 1939, pp. 111, 115, 120, 125, 139.

17. Bannon 1955, p. 1. On 6 July 1591, Fathers Gonzalo de Tapia and Martín Pérez opened the first permanent Jesuit mission in New Spain when they began to convert the Indians of the frontier Province of Sinaloa (Alegre 1956:I:364). Tapia became the protomartyr of his Order in New Spain.

18. Bannon, op. cit., p. 4.

19. Ibid., p. 24; Spicer 1962, pp. 47–49.

20. Bannon 1955, p. 45; Spicer 1962, pp. 49–51, 93.

21. Bolton 1948, Vol. I, p. 110.

22. Ibid., p. 303.

23. Karns 1954, p. 141; Burrus 1971, p. 452.

24. Pinart CPA San Ignacio E 1697. Mission San Ignacio de Cabórica stemmed from Kino's explorations. He first visited it 14 March 1687 and gave it a saint's name. Luis Maria Pineli began the mission in 1690 (Bolton 1948:I:111, 116, 118). Jorge Hostinski replaced him in 1693 but left that same year (Bolton 1936:270). Then Agustín de Campos took charge and led this mission and its branches until 1736 (Decorme 1941: II:382, n. 11, 386). Thus, Campos began the register cited.

25. Burrus 1961, pp. 30–31.

26. “Sobaipuri” apparently denoted part of the Northern Piman Indian ethnic group residing along both the San Pedro and Santa Cruz Rivers.

27. Pinart CPA San Ignacio B.

28. Bolton 1939, p. 70.

29. Hammond 1929, p. 230.

30. Dunne and Burrus 1955, p. 25, n. 97.

31. Aspurz 1946, Appendix I.

32. Hammond 1929, p. 224.

33. Pinart CPA San Ignacio B 88; E 1697:17–19.

34. Hammond 1929, p. 229.

35. Tarahumara Indians inhabited the upland territory between the eastward-flowing tributaries of the Conchos River and the westward-flowing headwaters of the Fuerte, Mayo and Yaqui Rivers of New Spain (Spicer 1962:3).

36. Bancroft 1889, p. 362 from Pinart CPA San Ignacio E 1697; Dunne and Burrus 1955, p. 38, n. 12.

37. Located on the San Miguel River in Sonora, Mission Santos Reyes de Cucurpe was founded in 1647 (Decormo 1941:II:360, n. 14) by Francisco Guillermo Maluenda, a Belgian Jesuit missionary to the Hymeris tribe, reportedly then occupying Opodepé, Tuape and Cucurpe (Polzer 1972:260, n. 14, 274). By 1662, Maluenda evidently lived at Opodepé as mission headquarters with 200 inhabitants. Cucurpe had only 130 residents, while the other branch at Tuape boasted 260 (Alegre 1959:III:355). As an established mission, Cucurpe served as a staging area for the Jesuit advance into Northern Piman country.

38. Pinart CPA San Ignacio E 1697 fol. 21v. Fabier probably moved to Bac in the spring, departed on 10 August and died on 25 October in San Ignacio.


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39. Donohue 1960, pp. 129–130. Kessell (1970:198–99) translates the official inventory of church property at Bac which Ygnacio Xavier Keller conveyed to Rapicani 1 June 1737, with Father Gasper Stiger as witness. Keller conveyed the Guebavi property on the same date (Kessell 1970:195–97) so the Bac conveyance was a formality for the record, and Rapicani may not yet have seen Bac or Tucson.

40. Mission Santos Angeles de Guebavi was located near the upper Santa Cruz River a short distance north of the present international boundary. It is the only Arizona Spanish mission that has yet received book-length study (Kessell 1970).

41. Kessell 1970, pp. 68–70.

42. Pinart CPA Pueblos de Sta. Maria 16. Mission Santa Maria Suamca, located in the headwaters of the Santa Cruz River in modern Mexico, dated from 1732 (Hammond 1929:230–231).

43. Kessell 1970, p. 72.

44. Bancroft 1884, Vol. 1, p. 530, n. 23.

45. The Bancroft Library, University of California at Berkeley, includes this document as number 48 in its Mexican Manuscript collection. It is quoted by permission of the director, the Bancroft Library, University of California, granted 3 January 1972. Thetranslation is mine.

46. Kessell 1970, p. 84.

47. Dunne 1957, pp. 78–79.

48. Donohue 1960, p. 132.

49. Almada 1952, p. 304. Garrucho's original given name was Giuseppe, and he was born at Castel Aragonese (Alegre 1960:IV:404, n. 32).

50. Pradeau 1959, p. 149.

51. Ibid., p. 150.

52. Pinart CPA Magdalena E 1698.

53. Dunne and Burrus 1955, pp. 23–24, n. 88.

54. Aspurz 1946 Appendix I.

55. Bancroft 1889, p. 362.

56. As Kessell (1970:104, n. 37) observed, Bauer's signatures in the San Ignacio registers show that he spent considerable time there. Cf. Pinart CPA.

57. Bauer's own writing makes clear that he did not spell his surname Paner or Paver as some have assumed. Pradeau (1959:191) lists Bauer in alphabetical order as Francisco Javier Paver. Pradeau also gives Bauer's birthplace as Bruma, Coruña, Spain, but footnotes Decorme as identifying Bauer as a native of Brunn, Moravia. Decormewas correct.

58. Located in the headwaters of the Altar River, Mission Santa Gertrudis del Saric had Eusebio F. Kino for its first church-builder in 1702–1706 (Bolton 1948:I:373; II:168). Yet no resident missionary seems to have reached Saric until Juan Nentvig went there shortly before the nativistic movement of 1751 (Pradeau 1959:182).

59. Linton 1943.

60. Ewing 1938, pp. 343–344.

61. Mission La Purísima Concepción de Nuestra Señora de Caborca is located near the western end of the Altar River. Father Eusebio F. Kino pioneered contact with its native Northern Pimans. Francisco Xavier Saeta founded the mission on 21 October 1694, then perished in a Northern Piman nativistic movement on 2 April 1695.

Kino took Gaspar Barrillas there in mid-1698, but he left within a month. Barrillas returned in 1701 but left again in 1702. Domingo Crescoli arrived in 1706 to be followed by Luis Velarde by 1708. Luis Gallardi ministered to the local Native Americans 1720–1722, and Luis Marciano 1722 to perhaps 1727. José Torres Perea came in 1743 but died in 1748. Bartolomé Saenz served in 1748, then Manuel Aguirre, and Tomás Tello. The latter helped set off the 1751 nativistic movement among the Northern Pimans, who killed him (Bolton 1948:I:131–32, 140–41, 145, 164, 175, 303; 1936:538; Alegre 1960:IV:505–507, 501,n25; Bancroft 1884:I:507,n25; 543–544, Burrus 1963:89; Ewing 1945:263). Sonoran military forces defeated California filibusterer Henry Crabb at Caborca in 1857 (Forbes 1952).

62. Ewing 1938, pp. 345–346.

63. Diego Ortiz Parrilla fought Apaches on the northern frontier of New Spain beginning in 1730. Ranking as a captain, he successively commanded the Presidios of San Sabás,


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Texas, and Santa Rosa. Promoted to lieutenant colonel, he served with the Veracruz Dragoon Regiment.

Ortiz P. assumed the governorship and captaincy general of the Provinces of Sonora and Sinaloa on 23 June 1749. After supervising the physical construction of the San Miguel de Horcasitas post, he led an expedition against the Seri Indians on Tiburon Island in the Gulf of California. Promoted to colonel, Qrtiz Parrilla nonetheless received bitter opposition and criticism from frontier Jesuit missionaries for his policies toward Northern Piman leaders of the anti-mission nativistic movement of 1751. Turning over the governorship at the beginning of 1753, Ortiz Parrilla waited until 1756 for final clearance of his administration. Meanwhile, he commanded the Presidio of Santa Rosa, Coahuila. Promoted to brigadier, Ortiz P. became governor of the Province of Pensacola in 1761, then of Coahuila in 1764. (Almada 1952:542).

64. See Dobyns 1959 for full discussion.

65. Tubutama is located on the east side of the bend in the Altar River where it veers southwest from its southerly course from the U.S.-Mexican border. Mission San Pedro y San Pablo de Tubutama began early in 1691 when Father Eusebio F. Kino installed Antonio Arias as its first priest. He remained until 1693 (Alegre 1960:IV:176; Bolton 1948:I:118). His successor, Daniel Janusque, apparently precipitated the Northern Piman nativistic movement of 1695, although he himself survived it (Bolton 1936:270; Karns 1954:28, 252; Alegre 1960: IV: 116, 513, 516; Decorme 1941:II:382, n.11). Kino sent Ignacio Yturmendi in mid-1701, but he died less than a year later (Bolton 1948: I:303–304). Gerónimo Minutuli came at the end of 1703 (Bolton 1938:525–526) and remained some seven years.

Tubutama may then have been a branch of San Ignacio Mission for some time. For a decade and a half prior to the Northern Piman nativistic movement of 1751 the German Jacobo Sedelmayr ministered to the Native Americans there (Decorme 1941: II:433). The violent natives burned down the church he had just rebuilt, and beseiged Sedelmayr, Juan Nentvig and their followers in the residence (Ewing 1945:262–263; Decorme 1941:II:440–441). Luis Vivas ministered to the pacified Northern Piman population from 1753 until the expulsion of his Order from New Spain in 1767. Tubutama then became a bulwark of the Franciscan missions in Pimería Alta (Roca 1967: 104–107).

66. Mission San Miguel Arcángel de los Ures lies south of the Sonora River not far west of its big bend from a southerly to southwesterly course toward Hermosillo and the Gulf of California. Baptismal records began in 1636. Ures often served both Jesuits and Franciscans on the northwestern frontier as an administrative headquarters. The mission was secularized with the Pimería Baja missions. The settlement became the Sonoran state capital in 1838–1842, and again in 1847–1879 (Roca 1967:166–171).

67. Sedelmayr 10 Mayo de 1752.

68. Segesser 25 Mayo de 1752.

69. Captain Tomás Belderrain founded the Royal Presidio of San Ygnacio de Tubac in 1752, to pacify the Northern Pimans in the wake of the nativistic movement of 1751. Located on the bank of the Santa Cruz River, the post was established on the site of an earlier Northern Piman settlement. It became the first permanent European settlement within present Arizona. From Tubac, Juan Bautista de Anza would launch his expeditions to Upper California, and Juan Oliva would found the Spanish presidio at Tucson. It has become a state historical park (Dobyns 1959).

70. Guebavi B 95.

71. Salpointe (1880) gave the 49 baptisms at Tubac. Reverend Victor R. Stoner pointed out that they really occurred at Guebavi and Tumacacori (9 March 1954).

72. Pinart CPA Pueblos de Sta. Maria Soamca fol. 11–11v.

73. Stoner 14 Nov. 1952 personal communication; Guebavi B.

74. Mission Nuestra Señora de la Asunción de Arizpe was located on a plateau west of the Bacanuche River just north of its junction with the Sonora in north-central Sonora. Franciscans from the New Mexico Province began proselytizing in the area about 1642. A Jesuit began visiting the local residents in 1646, and baptismal records began in 1648. Felipe Esgrecho became the first resident Jesuit missionary in 1650. The last Jesuit at Arizpe, Carlos Rojas, served there over 35 years, and greatly improved the still-standing church.


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The Spanish king created the Frontier Provinces in 1776, and the first commandant general made Arizpe their capital in 1779. With later administrative changes, Arizpe still remained capital of the Province of Sonora until 1824. It was the capital of the State of Sonora from 1832 to 1838. The first bishop of Sonora, Friar Antonio de los Reyes, made the old mission church the first cathedral in 1783 (Roca 1967:152–158).

75. Roxas Maio 14 de 1755.

76. Kessell 1970, p. 137, inferred this.

77. Roxas Maio 14 de 1755.

78. Pradeau 1959, pp. 138–139. Donohue (1960:133) differs from Almada (1952:253) and Pradeau in saying that Espinosa was ordained in Yucatán in 1741 and entered the Jesuit novitiate on 14 August 1750, after a serious illness, going directly to the missions when his two years as a novice ended.

79. Pradeau (1959:180) thought that Espinosa arrived in Sonora in September of 1756, although Bancroft (1884:I:651) placed him in Pimería Alta in 1751.

80. Kessell 1970, pp. 137–188.

81. Pinart CPA San Ignacio B 186–192; Kessell (1970:138) attributes Espinosa's Bac assignment to Visitor General Utrera, who ordered him to work from Guebavi until the people of Bac built him a house. I infer that Espinosa moved to Bac in mid-April of 1755 on the basis of his signatures in the San Ignacio registers until that time. Kessell (1970:139, 143) conjectures that Espinosa would have joined Governor Juan Antonio de Mendoza's force touring Pimería Alta in January of 1756, but recognizes that it is “not certain” whether Mendoza “personally” saw to Espinosa's installation at Bac. Father Visitor Roxas confirmed Espinosa's residence at Bac in his 30 May 1756 report.

82. Roxas Maio 30 de 1756.

83. Atí comes from Achi, a Tautaukwañi dialect Papago settlement in a broad valley west of the Silver Bell Mountains. Father Eusebio F. Kino visited “San Francisco de Adid” on 4 October 1698 (Bolton 1948:I:187–188). He passed by again on 7 November 1699, reporting a population of 800 (Bolton 1948:I:208). His military escort commander, Juan M. Manje, wrote that 100 men and 160 women carrying their children came from “San Francisco de Atí” to visit the travelers at San Serafin de Actín nearby (Karns 1954:142, Burrus 1971:458).

Anthropologist Ruth M. Underhill (1939:60) recorded the place name as Archie or aatci, meaning “Narrow Place.” Another achi on the Altar River south of the present international boundary lay in Kokoldoti dialect territory, in all likelihood. It apparently spawned two historic mission branches: Santa Teresa de Adid, which no longer exists, and Las Siete Príncipes de Atil known also in recent times as San Francisco de Atil (Roca 1967:107–110). Inasmuch as Crow's Head's son referred to the people of “Atí” as Papagos, he evidently spoke of the Tautaukwañi Papago settlement.


Continued Jesuit Proselytizing 1756–1767

1. The rather consistent generation of nativistic movements by Spanish northward expansion of the frontier of New Spain has yet to be systematically analyzed by either historian or social scientist. Some nativistic movements on this frontier evidently reacted against civil-military imposition of European norms of behavior on Native American populations. Other nativistic movements reacted against clerical imposition of Christian patterns of conduct in the service of Spanish imperialism.

This constitutes a dimension of the Christian mission as a frontier institution not taken into account by Bolton and other historians of the Spanish borderlands except in a passing reference to “occasional” missionary martydoms (Bolton 1939:132). That the Society of Jesus was not the only Order that generated nativistic movements was proved by the Pueblo Revolt of 1680 against Franciscan missionaries in New Mexico (Hackett and Shelby 1942).

2. Accurate reconstruction of events during the period discussed in this chapter is difficult. The present interpretation differs significantly from my earlier reconstruction (Dobyns 1962). This chapter is therefore provided with ample notes.


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3. I draw this inference from the large number of festivals of St. Francis Xavier that came to be celebrated in Sonora during Christian times on 4 October. This is the feast day of St. Francis of Assisi, whereas the feast day of Xavier is 2 December. From this paradox we can infer that the Jesuit missionaries, who expressed fealty to the Jesuit Saint Francis Xavier, saw fit to shift the date of their saint's festival to concur with and incorporate an existing native religious ritual that was immovable, so firmly was it tied to the annual agricultural cycle and the characteristic seasons of the area.

4. Jeffreys 1956.

5. Fathers Kino and Campos most likely first translated the native rite into Catholic forms.

6. Here I depart from my previous reconstruction, which adhered to Pradeau (1959:139), to follow Kessell's (1970:141, n. 46) correct conclusions. Reasons are several. Pradeau erred in placing “paver” at Bac, as evidence above on Espinosa's assignment demonstrates. Pradeau (1959:139) also wrote that Father Bernhard Middendorff had established a “'Mission de Santa Catalina” on the Santa Cruz River in September, and claimed that both Middendorff and Bauer strove to change the native celebration. Kessell (1970:141, n. 46) asserts, on the other dand, that Middendorff “did not set foot in the San Xavier-Santa Catalina-Tucson area until after the attack” that came in November.

Actually, available documents fail to account specifically for Middendorff's whereabouts during October. By his own account, Middendorff “arrived in September 1756 in Mátape, a mission in Sonora among the lower Pimas.…” Because of severe diarrhea, his group stayed there three weeks recuperating. Then Middendorff went to Ures (his travel time is not specified, but it must have been short). At Ures he spent an unreported period as a guest of Father Phillip Segesser. Middendorff then continued on to San Ignacio with a large escort-again travel time is not specified (Treutlein 1957:315).

It does seem unlikely that Middendorff could have founded a mission in September, because he could well have still been in Mátape or on the road from Ures to San Ignacio. Thus, Pradeau's account appears to err with regard to Middendorff; full responsibility for intervention in native ceremonial seems to rest on Espinosa.

7. Pradeau (1959:139) wrote of the “customary celebrations in which they intoxicated themselves celebrating the day of St. Francis the fourth of October,” as I translate his text. He is on very firm cultural ground. Underhill (1946:41–67) describes ritual intoxication with fermented giant cactus fruit juice as an aboriginal Northern Piman rain-bringing technique.

This Native American conventional understanding and actions stemming from it survived at least two centuries of Christian preaching. When I conducted research for the Papago Tribe's suit against the United States before the Indian Claims Commission in the early 1950s, I obtained the cooperation of an elected representative of San Xavier District in lending a pair of fermenting jars to the Arizona State Museum. The hand-made giant cactus juice fermenting vessels constituted part of the ceramic evidence of former Northern Piman land use. When loaned for tribal purposes, these huge ollas were stored at a secret (from the priests) navait brewing and ritual spot in the desert near Bac. The age-old autumn drinking pattern continues, aided by other factors, in very heavy consumption of alcoholic beverages by Northern Piman pilgrims at the festival of St. Francis held at Magdalena, Sonora, each fall on 4 October (Cf . Dobyns 1950; Sheridan 1971).

8. Gardiner 1957, p. 3.

9. Havañ Mau'au's participation in both the 1751 and 1756 uprisings militates against Ezell's (1961:22) conclusion that the Gila River Pimas failed to join the “Papagos” in their various uprisings against Spanish domination. The Gila River Valley and Santa Cruz River Valley natives formed a military unit in the 18th century, when their social structure had yet suffered relatively little from the biological and cultural shocks of the coming of the white man.

Kessell (1970:141, n. 47) overstates my interpretation of available sources when he asserts that I (1962) credited Oacpicagigua with “an active part” in the 1756 attack on Bac. What I wrote in 1962 was that Spaniards assumed that Luis helped to organize the 1756 revolt. This assumption involves the Spanish concept of “intellectual


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authorship” of a crime, which does not require active physical participation to establish guilt. Even if Luis had died in jail by the time of the 1756 revolt as Kessell (1970:141, n. 47) suggests, many frontier Spaniards traumatized by the 1751 nativistic movement would still have considered the obviously able and charismatic Luis Oacpicagigua to have been its main“intellectual author.”

Moreover, the attitudes of such Spanish frontiersmen would have been reinforced by the guerilla warfare conducted by Oacpicagigua's sons. Not until May of 1760 did Captain Juan Bautista de Anza the younger head a detachment of his Tubac command that surprised a group of guerrillas led by Luis' son Ciprian, killing the latter and eight of his followers (Anónimo 1760).

10. Pradeau (1959:140) clearly utilized the report here translated. He wrote that the Tubac ensign “rescued Father Middendorff and Father Paver, returning both to the Presidio of Tubac.…” The anonymous report mentions neither priest in the passage translated here—nor elsewhere.

Pradeau (1959:140, n. 87) wrote further that the ensign “ought to have been D. Tomás Belderrain, dead in Tubac in 1760 and succeeded in the command by Juan Bautista de Anza,” citing the document here translated in part. This seems to be an inexplicable slip. The second paragraph of the anonymous 1760 report clearly gave Tomás Belderrain's correct rank in summarizing attacks on the post by Northern Piman rebels: “Its Captain was Don Thomas de Belderrain, because of whose death Don Juan Bautista de Anza succeeded [him in command] at the beginning of this year” (Anónimo 1760). Belderrain founded the Tubac presidio and commanded it until his death in 1759 (Dobyns 1959, MS p. 240).

The ensign in 1756 was either Juan C. Ramírez or Juan María Oliva, if Ramírez had already been promoted to lieutenant. Kessell ( 1970:141 ) credited Espinosa's rescue to Oliva. To do so, Kessell (1970:141, n. 48) correlated an entry in Oliva's service record with the 1756 engagement with Northern Pimans. Oliva said, “When I was an ensign, about 200 Apache Indians attacked me in the Pueblo of San Xavier del Bac. Having 14 men, I put myself among them and I killed 15” (O'Conor 18 de Agosto de 1775). I think that the available evidence is not conclusive.

11. Anónimo 1760, paragraph 1. Middendorff (Gardiner 1957:3) agreed that “fifteen of the enemy fell” of the force led by “Gabanimo” who fled with 50 survivors to the mountains and canyons.

12. Juan Antonio de Mendoza, a native of Villa de Higuera de Vargas, Castilla, began his military career in 1720 as a cadet of infantry. In 1725, he became captain in the Prince's Regiment. Promoted to lieutenant colonel in 1736, Mendoza became colonel in 1742, fighting in Africa and Italy. He took office as governor and captain general of Sonora and Sinaloa on 30 July 1755.

After personally leading several expeditions against hostile Native Americans, Mendoza was appointed governor of Puebla. Before leaving Sonora, Mendoza led a relief force to engage Seri Indians attacking miners. One of two Seri leaders killed by Mendoza's expedition dealt the governor a mortal wound before expiring. Mendoza died two days later on 27 November 1760 (Almada 1952:463–464).

13. Och, a member of this group, reported sailing on Christmas and reaching San Juan de Ulloa on 19 March 1756 (Treutlein 1905:20–21, 25), but Pfefferkorn, another companion, years later gave their arrival date as 1755 (Treutlein 1949:260). In yet another account, Treutlein (1957:314) gave 24 December 1755 as the sailing date, but this was quite possibly a typographical error.

14. Treutlein 1949 p. 6, n. 8.

15. Middendorff himself wrote, “We spent four months in going from Mexico to Sonora” (Treutlein 1957:315). The Jesuit Pedro Bueno founded Mission San José de Mátape in 1645 on the banks of the Mátape River, a short stream flowing into the Gulf of California between the Yaqui and Sonora Rivers. In 1867, the Sonoran state government renamed Mátape “Villa de Pesqueira” (Almada 1952:574; Spicer 1962:90).

16. Och also ended up at San Iguacio, where he assisted Father Gaspar Stiger (Treutlein 1965:44) before launching his career as an independent missionary. It is not clear whether Och and Middendorff traveled the final lap together. Och, Pfefferkorn and Gerstner had been delayed in Puebla by orders — later rescinded — to return to Havana.


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They did not leave Mexico City until 11 May 1756 (Treutlein 1965:38). Och remembered their receiving orders to go to Upper Pimería after three weeks at Ures Mission in Pimería Baja, whose Swiss missionary Philip Segesser momentarily frightened them with a staged “Indian attack” by his mission Indians just before they reached Ures (Treutlein 1965:43).

17. Decorme (1941:II:443) stated that Mendoza restored Espinosa to Bac after he had been forced to flee. This agrees better with other evidence than Pradeau's (1959:139–40) assertion that Mendoza ordered Bauer to Guebavi and Espinosa to Bac. Donohue (1960:132–133) apparently following Pradeau. Bauer's post-1751 Revolt service at Guebavi as shown in the register for that mission seems to have been uninterrupted, and Middendorff was quite specific that the 1756 rebels sought to slay Espinosa at Bac.

18. Gardiner 1957, p. 3.

19. See Ezell (1963) for ethnic meaning of Maricopa and related terms.

20. Gardiner 1957, p. 7.

21. Kessell 1970, p. 142, citing Burrus 1963, p. 70.

22. Treutlein 1957, p. 316. There is some difficulty with Middendorff's account. He wrote that Tucson was named as his future mission “after a campaign of three months.” Yet he said he spent only two months with Mendoza, and went among his converts-to-be on the “day before Epiphany in 1757.” As his name indicates, Middendorff was yet another German Jesuit, born 14 October 1723, in Vechte, Westphalia. He entered the Society in 1741 (Almada 1952:466; Treutlein 1957:311).

23. Roxas Marzo 15 de 1757.

24. Treutlein 1957, p. 316.

25. Gardiner 1957, p. 8. Och remembered that Middendorff had to “endure” dampness, heat and cold under the sky, but contrary to Middendorff's report of Native American behavior claimed that the “papagos” soon tired of mission life and stole all the food sent to Middendorff because he prohibited their nightly dancing and carousing (Treutlein 1965:44).

26. Treutlein 1957, p. 316. Middendorff reported reaching Bac at daybreak. Retrospectively, Och omitted all mention of hostile Indian attack. He remembered Middendorff as a robust man so weakened by lack of food and shelter that an “inflammatory fever” would have killed him, had he not “been removed” already half dead (Treutlein 1965: 44). Och stated that Middendorff's strength was “somewhat restored” after he ate and slept for “two days and two nights.” Pradeau (1959:140) transposed Middendorff's long sleep to Tubac after his supposed rescue by its ensign months earlier.

27. Treutlein 1957; p. 317.

28. Treutlein 1949, p. 8; Aguirre 1856 (Marzo 20 de 1764).

29. Garrucho Junio 21 de 1761.

30. The expansion of Jesuit Indian mission efforts led to creation in 1725 of the post of visitor general. The visitor general of missions became, in effect, a vice-provincial, relieving some of the burdens falling upon the provincial of the Jesuit Mexican Province. Ordinary business arising north of Durango and Guadalajara went to the visitor general after 1725 instead of to the provincial as in the past. Most importantly, the visitor general carried out the arduous duty of personally visiting every Jesuit establishment in the area under his jurisdiction (Donohue 1969: 43).

31. Tomás Ignacio Lizasoaín was born at Pamplona in 1717. He entered the Society of Jesus in 1744–45 after ordination, and reached New Spain in 1750 (Decorme 1941:I: 433). He helped to found a residence and construct a church at San José de Guaymas, where he acted as first superior. The Seris destroyed the place in 1751 (Pradeau 1959: 226; Decorme 1941: II:341, 457).

Lizasoaín thereafter labored among the Yaquis and acted as visitor. His report on his 1761–1763 inspections provided one of the last general summaries of these frontier institutions before the expulsion of his Order from Spanish dominions (Dunne 1957:25).

Lizasoaín ordered Mission Yécora transferred from Nueva Vizcaya to Sonora, which was done in 1765 (Pradeau 1959:51). After the Jesuit expulsion in 1767, Lizasoaín became superior of a Jesuit house, and then in 1772 he became the last provincial of the Order for New Spain (in exile) prior to its dissolution. Lizasoaín died on 12 January 1789 (Decorme 1941:I:xvi, 433).


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32. A Dutch native in the Spanish royal service, José Tienda de Cuervo became governor and captain general of Sonora and Sinaloa on 16 January 1761. He reached provincial territory on 12 April and arrived at San Miguel de Horcasitas in August. Like his predecessor, Tienda de Cuervo personally led his troops against the Seri Indians, driving them off the mainland onto Tiburín Island. Consequently he won promotion from captain of the Veracruz Dragoon Regiment to lieutenant colonel. War with Great Britain brought Tienda del Cuervo orders to return to his regiment, and he left San Miguel on 9 December 1762. He died two years later in Veracruz (Almada 1952:787).

33. Aguirre Dic. 30 de 1763.

34. Elias Gonzáles 22 de Marzo de 1762. This translation is new. Francisco Elías Gonzáles migrated from his native La Rioja, Spain, to New Spain at an early age. He married in 1729 while farming and ranching at Alamos, Sonora. In 1740, he organized a militia unit to help put down a Yaqui Indian nativistic movement and performed so well that he won a commission as lieutenant of the Janos garrison. Promoted to captain in 1751, he took command of the Terrenate company in 1758 (Almada 1952:239; Philip 17 de Enero de 1758).

In 1756, Elias commanded the left wing of the Sonoran governor's forces when they attacked the Northern Piman chieftain Crow's Head on the Gila River (Gardiner 1957:5). In spite of his long service on the Native American frontier, Don Francisco presented no documentary record of his services to the royal inspector, the Marqués de Rubí, in 1766. The marqués characterized Elias Gonzáles as applying himself industriously to his mines, “which with notable profit to him he has been benefiting from for some years in this region.” On the other hand, the marqués described Elias as totally unfit for the command he held (Rubí 7 de Diz. re de 1766).

Francisco Elias Gonzáles nevertheless founded a family long prominent in state and national affairs (Almada 1952:239) in Mexico and in southern Arizona. Several of these descendants are mentioned later in this volume. The simplified kinship chart in the Appendix of this book shows major relationships in the Elias Gonzáles lineage (Almada 1952:228–43; Rivera 19 de Sep. de 1801; Salcido 17 de Sep. de 1801; Villa 1948:55–56).

35. Aguirre Dic. 30 de 1763; Treutlein 1965, pp. 49–80.

36. Tienda del Cuerbo 9 de Abril de 1762.

37. Aguirre Dic. 30 de 1763.

38. Ezell 1961, p. 120.

39. Aguirre Dic. 22 de 1768.

40. Aguirre 18 de Febrero de 1764.

41. Aguirre Marzo 23 de 1764.

42. Aguirre 1856, pp. 134–135. (4 de Agosto de 1764).

43. Nentvig 1951, p. 79.

44. Juan Bautista de Anza, born at Fronteras, Sonora, in 1735, was the second frontier officer to bear this name. His grandfather served as lieutenant and captain at Janos Presidio, in Nueva Vizcaya. His father commanded the garrison stationed at Corodeguachi and Fronteras for a score of years.

Juan Bautista the younger entered the royal military service at Fronteras in 1753. He obtained a lieutenancy 1 July 1755. Five years later, at the age of 25, Anza won promotion to a captaincy and assumed command of the San Ygnacio de Tubac garrison.

Anza fought Seri, Papago and Apache Indians energetically until late 1773. Then he assembled an exploring expedition and opened a land route from Sonora to Upper California across the Colorado River in the first half of 1774. The viceroy promoted Anza to lieutenant colonel and approved his colonizing California. Anza left Tubac on 23 October 1775, led 240 people to Monterey and returned to Sonora on 1 June 1776.

This success, made Anza a colonel and brought his appointment as commandant of arms of the Province of Sonora in 1777. While attending a council of war at Chihuahua in 1778, he took the oath of office as governor of New Mexico. He began his duties that September.

Anza achieved a remarkable record in New Mexico. He forced an alliance with the Comanches and other formerly hostile tribes, brought the drought-weakened Hopis into a semi-dependent status for the first time in a century and split the Navajos from the Western Apaches.


[page 190]

In 1786, Anza requested relief and left Santa Fe in November of 1787. Thereupon he returned to the post of commandant of arms of Sonora until his death on 19 December 1788 in Arizpe, where he was buried (Ivancovich 1960:21–24; Dobyns 1959MS: 242–252; Thomas 1932).

45. Aguirre 18 de Febrero de 1764.

46. Juan Claudio de Pineda was born in Sort, Lérida Province, Spain, in 1710. He entered the royal military service on 3 November 1731 as a cadet in the Guadalajara Infantry Regiment. Commissioned ensign on 9 October 1732, Pineda became a lieutenant on 23 December 1740, at which rank he fought in the Italian campaign. Promoted to captain on 17 December 1759, Pineda so improved his unit that the king appointed him lieutenant colonel on 30 December 1760.

Contrary to his own preferences, Pineda was dispatched to the New World as governor and captain general of Sonora and Sinaloa. En route to his post, he stopped in Mexico City to command the Commercial Regiment, and to accompany the viceroy to Veracruz to deal with the English war threat. Then he reorganized the Puebla provincial militia. Thus, Pineda did not reach Rosario, Sinaloa, until February in 1763, advancing to Culiacán on 2 April and finally relieved Captain Urrea at San Miguel de Horcasitas on 20 May.

In 1764, Pineda inspected the frontier garrisons and reorganized the militia units. He offered a bounty of three pesos for each Seri Indian captured or killed, and set a price of 300 pesos on the head of the Seri chief. Pineda surveyed Guaymas Bay in 1767 to select sites for the large Sonora Expedition that would shortly endeavor to exterminate the Seris. Then Pineda carried out the secret royal orders expelling members of the Jesuit Order from the area under his jurisdiction. As temporary commander of the Sonora Expedition, Pineda pledged his personal credit to finance it.

Promoted to colonel in October of 1769, Pineda suffered an attack that left him paralyzed on his left side. The viceroy relieved Pineda on 18 April 1770, and he returned to Mexico City where he died in 1772 (Almada 1952:592–593).

47. Aguirre Marzo 23 de 1764.

48. Aguirre Marzo 26 de 1764.

49. Donohue 1960, p. 135. The total population of 220 was divided into 70 families, plus 58 widows and widowers. This meant only 22 children, far from enough to maintain the population.

50. Aguirre Agosto 11 de 1764; Treutlein 1965.

51. Pradeau 1959, p. 144; Aguirre Hen.o 8 de 1765.

52. Aguirre Abril 26 de 1765. Los Siete Príncipes de Atil Mission, on the north bank of the Altar River between Oquitoa and Tubutama, was a branch of the Tubutama Mission until 1756. Then Father Ignaz Pfefferkorn made it a full-fledged mission, where he remained until poor health forced his transfer in 1762 or 1763 (Treutlein 1949:8–9, 261–263). The Franciscans made Atil a mission beginning in 1768, with Oquitoa as its branch. That relationship was reversed in the 19th century (Roca 1967:109–110).

53. Pradeau 1959, pp. 187–188; Aguirre Mayo 18 de 1765.

54. Aguirre Junio 10 de 1765.

55. Aguirre Junio 30 de 1765.

56. Pinart CPA San Ignacio E 1697 fol. 70; Aguirre Oct.e 5 de 1765.

57. Pinart CPA Bisanig C fol. 105v.

58. Treutlein 1949, p. 263; Pinart CPA Bisanig C fol. 108.

59. Pradeau 1959, p. 188; Treutlein 1949, pp. 9–10. King Charles III of Spain personally decreed the Jesuit expulsion. Charles was born in Madrid on 20 January 1716, the son of King Philip V and Isabel de Farnesio, his second wife. Isabel sought to assure a throne to Charles, Philip's third male offspring. In 1720, the Treaty of the Hague assured his rights to the Dukedoms of Parma, Piacenza and Tuscany. Again in 1731, a treaty between Spain, Austria and England recognized Charles as duke.

When only 18, he became generalisimo of a Spanish army formed to conquer the Kingdom of Naples. This force defeated the Austrians at Bitonto on 25 May 1734. Naples submitted, and Charles was crowned king at Palermo in July, renouncing his dukedoms to his younger brother. Charles ruled Naples well for 16 years, pacifying the kingdom, building many public buildings, reforming the administration and achieving economic prosperity.


[page 191]

Then Charles' elder half-brother died, and he succeeded Ferdinand VI as king of Spain, returning to Barcelona on 17 October 1759. Charles entered Madrid on 13 July 1760, but his wife died on 27 September. Charles so loved her that he never remarried.

The sunburned, big-nosed king who liked to hunt every day proved to be an able and complex leader for Spain. He beautified Madrid, built bridges and roads, and instituted much social legislation for the benefit of the poor. He introduced German tactics into the Spanish army and founded infantry, artillery and cavalry schools.

Charles III's foreign policy succeeded at times, but failed at others. He warred with England and lost. Later he allied Spain with France and the rebel North American British colonies. He pacified the Mediterranean, concluding treaties with Turkey and Algiers and achieving a truce with Tunisia. He died on 14 December 1788 (Anónimo 1966:11:1031–1038).

60. Anónimo 1966:11:1034 and Kessell 1970a, pp. 181–182.

61. Underhill 1939, p. 57.

62. Aguirre 1856, p. 35 (4 de Agosto de 1764).


Garcés' Franciscan Mission Branch 1768–1779

1. Ocaranza 1933, p. 7.

2. Kessell 1970b, pp. 182–183.

3. Ibid., p. 184.

4. Ibid., pp. 186–187.

5. Ibid., pp. 189–190.

6. Garce's 1856, pp. 365–366. Anza was not at home to welcome Garcés because he was campaigning against the Seri Indians on the west coast of Sonora. Garcés' reference to captains and troops at Pitíc meant that Anza and his presidial detachment operated as one unit of the Elizondo expedition mounted to try to terminate the Seri flank threat to the colonial province.

7. Garcés 1856, pp. 367–370 á Gobernador D. Juan de Pineda, extract. I have found that in anthropological field research the new investigator in a specific situation tends to learn fantastically rapidly during the first two or three weeks. Thereafter, the rate of learning may drop greatly, so that months are required to confirm the conclusions reached very quickly at the beginning. For this reason, I consider these two letters from Garcés penned a month after he reached Bac as invaluable descriptions of Bac and Tucson at the beginning of this priest's ministry.

8. Garcés 13 de agosto de 1768, á M. R. P. Guardian.

9. Ocaranza 1933, pp. 11–12. Greenleaf and Wallace (1962:20) exaggerated when they wrote that Garcés “spent most of the next twelve years exploring the Gila and Colorado Rivers.” More accurately, Kessell (1970b:182) summarized that Garcés explored “from the Sonoran Desert to the Santa Barbara Channel, from the bottom of Havasupai Canyon to the mesa top at Oraibi.”

10. Fontana 1961, p. 8.

11. Arricivita 1792, p. 404.

12. Garcés 1856 (21 de feb.o de 1769).

13. Garcés 1856 (23 de julio de 1769).

14. Rowland 1930, p. 214.

15. Ezell 1955 (translation of archival copy of Anza 1 de mayo de 1770).

16. Coues 1900, Vol. I, pp. 26–30; Garcés Noviembre de 1770.

17. Garcés 20 de Febrero de 1771; Fontana 1961, p. 8.

18. Coues 1900, Vol. I, pp. 30–38; Garcés 8 de Agosto á 26 de Octubre de 1771.

19. Reyes 1856, p. 756.

20. Garcés 1772.

21. Baldonado 1959, p. 23.

22. Garcés 1856 (29 de Julio de 1768 á Juan de Pineda).

23. Galvez, 3 de Junio de 1769.

24. Medina 1779 No. 8.


[page 192]

25. Coues 1900, Vol. I, pp. 39, 46.

26. Baldonado 1959, p. 24. It has been stated (Duell 1919:62) that Friar José del Río accompanied Garcés to Bac. Actually, José del Río took over the mission at Tubutama in 1768 (Pinart CPA Bisanig B fol. 72 and Tubutama B fol. 1–1v.). The error arose in translating Arricivita's statement that Father President Mariano Bueno y Alcalde sent his compañero — in the sense that del Río was one of the pioneering Franciscans under Bueno's charge, but not meaning that del Río and Garcés occupied the same post — to Querétaro with Garcés' diary of his early explorations (Arricivita 1792:417).

27. Tumacacori B fol. 16v.

28. Garcés 25 de Dic.e de 1776.

29. Arricivita 1792, p. 560.

30. Coues 1900. Vol. I, pp. 9, 63.

31. Garcés 24 de Sep. de 1776.

32. Garcés 25 de Dic.e de 1776.

33. Garcés, 3 de Enero de 1777.

34. Reyes 1784.

35. Garcés 21 de Enero de 1778; Garcés 19 de Feb.o de 1778.

36. Garcés, 11 de Marzo de 1779.

37. Garcés, 23 de Marzo de 1779.


Brick-and-Mortar Missionaries, 1779–1790

1. Velderrain and Díaz, Junio 7 de 1775.

2. Tumacacori B, fol. 17v; Entierros fol. 139.

3. Garcés 25 de Dic. de 1776.

4. Tumacacori B fol. 18–20.

5. Hughes 1860, p. 1.

6. Ibid., p. 3.

7. Thomas 1941, p. 151.

8. Ibid., pp. 151, 204; Croix 30 de Nov.e de 1778.

9. Thomas 1941, p. 150.

10. Ibid., p. 204.

11. Arricivita 1792, p. 560.

12. A detachment of the Sonoran Expedition of 1767 and following years found placer gold while pursuing Indians. By 1774, over 500 pounds of nuggets had been recovered, with annual value reaching an estimated 1,000,000 pesos. A gold rush quickly brought Cieneguilla a population over 2,000 (O'Crouley 1972:97–98).

13. The record of Velarde's death and burial is preserved in the fragment of the Cieneguilla burial register housed with other Franciscan mission records in the archive of the Parish of Altar, Sonora. I copied this entry through the courtesy of Reverend Roberto Gonzalez, parish priest in 1952. Paul H. Ezell and Alden W. Jones accompanied me on a document search at that time.

14. Anonymous 1783.

15. Franco 1782.

16. Yturralde 3 de Abril de 1798, fol. 6v.

17. Father Visitor Diego Bringas (15 de Marzo de 1796, fol. 18v) cited Belderrain's death in petitioning for added royal treasury support for posting a second missionary in each of the eight Pimería Alta missions manned by the College of the Holy Cross in Querétaro. He argued that the goal of keeping missionaries from dying unconfessed would by itself justify the doubled expense, although he cited several other reasons for stationing two priests at each mission.

18. Reyes 1784, fol. 223 ff; Habig 1937, p. 156 translation.

19. Ibid., fol. 224.

20. Ezell 1955; Anza 1856.

21. Allande y Saabedra 1785.


[page 193]


Franciscans at Work 1790–1821

1. Dobyns and Ezell 1959, p. 154; Llorens Diciembre 12 de 1801.

2. Pinart CPA Oquitoa B 48–50.

3. Yturralde 3 de Abril de 1798, fol. 6v; Moyano 18 de Mayo de 1803.

4. Yturralde 25 de Octubre de 1792.

5. Bringas 15 de Marzo de 1796, fol. 22; Galindo N. 9 de Diciembre de 1796, fol. 27.

6. Hughes 1860, p. 3. In 1814, a Franciscan inspector referred to the Tucson mission branch as “San Agustín del Tucson,” as had one in 1774.

7. Habig 1937, p. 166.

8. Salpointe April 2l, 1880.

9. Yturralde 3 de Abril de 1798.

10. The festival of Saint Francis Xavier, the church's patron, on December 2.

11. Annotation by Donald Page.

12. Hughes 1860, p. 3.

13. Watson 1931, p. 147. The oral tradition and 1849 statement on relative chronology of the standing Bac church and the Tucson Pueblo structure seem persuading. Some students of Tucson area history have, however, equated the convent that survived into the period of U.S. sovereignty with the house built for Friar Garcés in 1770–1771.

There are several architectural reasons for rejecting such a correlation. The Garcés house had round defensive towers. It was built so that Tucson's military chaplain was able to climb out on the roof to watch the May Day 1782 battle at the presidio. The structure that survived into U.S. times was, however, rather box-shaped and had no towers. A description written in 1843 reported that this building contained seven ground-floor rooms and a second story with three rooms and an arched, roofed balcony (Quiroga 31 de Mayo de 1843). Moreover, the principal cult celebrated in the structure was that of Our Lord of Esquipulas. This diffused to the Southwest from Guatemala relatively late in colonial times.

14. A Franciscan member of the College of the Holy Cross in Querétaro, Barbastro became custodio or chief executive of the Custodia de San Carlos de Sonora upon its organization on 23 October 1783. When the king dissolved the Custodia a decade later, Barbastro became president of the missionaries at the Pimería Alta missions staffed by his institution (Barbastro 26 de Julio de 1793).

15. Llorens referred to Captain José de Zúñiga's absence leading his 1795 expedition to Zuñi Pueblo in New Mexico.

16. Ensign José María Sosa, mentioned in several chapters of this book.

17. Significant for reconstructing the history of Tucson-area environment is this mid-1795 reference to the island produced by the Tucson irrigation ditches fed by valley-margin springs and the surface-flowing Santa Cruz River. Hydrologic conditions described in the 1 May 1782 battle documents still existed 23 years later.

18. Llorens 2 de Junio de 1795.

19. Arriquibar here employed a term for the first two cards from the bottom of the banker's deck in monte. This suggests either that he was not wholly familiar with this card game, or thoroughly so but wished to persuade Barbastro that he was not (or communicate on another level that he and Barbastro were Christian sinners, too).

20. Arriquibar Mayo 20 de 1795, fol. 62v–63.

21. Arriquibar 20 de Mayo de 1795, fol. 63v–64.

22. Moyano 5 de Feb.o de 1805.

23. Geiger 1953, p. 10.

24. Anónimo 1796 Cuadros.

25. Yturralde 4 de Feb.o de 1796.

26. Bringas 15 de Marzo de 1796, fol. 21v.

27. Ibid., fol. 22.

28. Yturralde 4 de Dic.e de 1796.

29. Yturralde 3 de Abril de 1798, fol. 7v.


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30. Yturralde 4 de Dic.e de 1796. Early in 1797, college officials had Pimería Alta Mission President Francisco Yturralde sound out Father J. B. Llorens about leading the proposed mission to the Gila River Pimas. The bishop had by that time ordered Llorens to recruit no more neophytes to his mission (Yturralde 1 de Mayo de 1797).

31. Yturralde 3 de Abril de 1798, fol. 7.

32. Yturralde 3 de Abril de 1798, fol. 7v.

33. Oury 1862–1864, p. 63.

34. Brinckerhoff (1967:15) following Greenleaf and Wallace (1962:21) stated that the Franciscans built the two-story convent between 1797 and 1810. He thought that Peaceful Apaches constructed the building, thus providing yet another interpretation of the Tucson oral tradition mentioned in Chapter 4.

35. Because Page's description (1930:21–22) was based on quite detailed interviews with old Mexican-American residents of Tucson who actually worshipped in this church, it is the most accurate which can now be recovered in the absence of contemporary documents. An inventory of equipment made in 1855 substantially confirms Page's description, but is not given here because it properly belongs in the history of Mexican Tucson.

36. Yturralde 3 de Abril de 1798, fol. 6.

37. Pinart CPA Atí 52.

38. Socies Diciembre 14 de 1801, fol. 2.

39. Yturralde 4 de Mayo de 1798.

40. Yturralde 4 de Junio de 1798.

41. Newhall 1954, p. 29; Geiger 1953, pp. 6–10.

42. Cevallos Julio 7 de 1814.

43. This ability of one of a pair of missionaries to proselytize while his companion supervised the mission population had constituted one of Bringas' (Marzo 15 de 1796 fol. 19–19v) arguments for the change.

44. Reverend Victor R. Stoner, 9 March 1954, personal communication from Tumacacori B.

45. Rouset Mayo 12 de 1808.

46. Moyano Diciembre 4 de 1808.

47. Cevallos Julio 7 de 1814.

48. Brinckerhoff 1967, p. 15, n.23.

49. Gonzalez 1820, fol. 143.

50. Perez 1818, fol. 46–47.

51. Gonzalez 1820, fol. 142–143.

52. Gonzalez 4 de Enero de 1821.


Founding the Royal Spanish Post of San Agustín del Tucson, 1776–1779

1. Scholes (1962:23) identified this as an area of historical analysis to be cultivated with profit.

2. While I have read many Spanish colonial documents dealing with the Pimería Alta missions, I have encountered no evidence of clerics there raping or living with native women as early Dominicans in Peru were accused of doing (Gutierrez Flores 1970:5–14). Other scandals did occur among the Jesuits in Sonora. Several were criticized for allowing Spanish women in their quarters “on the pretext of making them some remedies, of cooking for them and acting as dispensaresses.” (Aguirre Hen.o 7 de 1764). Others caused scandal by keeping loose-living siblings and female “god-children” of marriageable ago in their households (Aguirre Marzo 1 de 1764; Aguirre Feb.o 18 de 1764).

3. Mulatto is here used to signify the offspring of one European and one African parent.

4. Lafora 1939, p. 155.

5. Garcés 1856 (29 July 1768), p. 366. Translated in Chapter 3.

6. Bolton 1939, pp. 70–71.

7. Ewing 1945, p. 277; Dobyns 1962, pp. 7–10.

8. Bolton 1939, pp. 77–78.


[page 195]

9. Powel1 1944, p. 183 etc.

10. The Marqués de Rubí charged with inspecting the frontier defenses of New Spain was Field Marshall Cayetano María Pigatelli Rubí Corbera y San Climent, Baron of Llinás. The Rubí title dated from 30 June 1694 when King Charles II granted it to Joseph Rubí y Bojador for services his father and grandfather had rendered the Crown. Thus New Spain's field marshall belonged to Spain's highest nobility and a family with a long record of royal service in key military commands (Anónimo 1966:52:622–623; 65:1508; Robles 1939:16).

11. Thomas 1941, p. 180; Thomas 1932, p. 315.

12. Thomas 1941, p. 247.

13. Thomas 1932, p. 5.

14. Ibid., p. 6.

15. Ibid., p. 9.

16. Thomas 1941, pp. 172, 207.

17. In the course of establishing the policies recommended by the Marqués de Rubí, O'Connor did not rest for six hectic years, during which he rode over 12,000 miles on horseback inspecting and moving posts and fighting Indians. By the time he reached Sonora in the summer of 1775, O'Connor had ascended to the rank of colonel. Promoted to brigadier, he became governor and captain general of the Province of Yucatán on 24 February 1778. His health undermined by his intensive efforts in northern New Spain, O'Connor died near Mérida on 8 March 1779 (Almada 1952:529–30; O'Conor, Garcés & Fernandez C, 20 de Agosto 1775).

18. O'Conor 1952, pp. 64–65.

19. O'Conor 18 de Agosto de 1775 No. 13.

20. O'Conor, Garcés y Fernández C., 20 de Agosto de 1775.

21. Greenleaf & Wallace 1962, p. 21.

22. O'Conor 1952, p. 75; Moore & Beene 1971.

23. O'Conor y Oliva, 22 de Agosto de 1775. The Presidio of Santa Cruz was located in one of the headwaters valleys of the Santa Cruz River prior to Hugh O'Connor's relocation efforts in 1775. O'Connor, accompanied by Lieutenant Juan M. Oliva, decided to move it north to the west bank of the San Pedro River near a former Sobaipuri village. The post was abandoned by the spring of 1780 after a series of Apache defeats of its garrison. (Cf. Croix 30 Nov. 1778.)

C. C. Di Peso (1953) excavated the ruins of the short-lived military post. Gerald (1968:18) errs in dating occupation of the post to the summer of 1775. O'Connor selected the site on 22 August, two days after he picked the site for the future Presidio of San Agustín del Tucson. Later, O'Connor ordered the Terrenate garrison to move forward as of 10 December 1775, but it seems doubtful whether that garrison carried out O'Connor's orders any more rapidly than did the Tubac garrison. In terms of modern geography, Santa Cruz lies 16 miles south of Benson, Arizona.

24. O'Conor y Oliva, 25 de Agosto de 1775. Don Hugh O'Connor moved the Fronteras garrison forward to a place known as San Bernardino on the basis of his 25 August 1775 inspection with Lieutenant J. M. Oliva. It is 16 miles east of modern Douglas, Arizona, on the west side of the San Bernardino River (Gerald 1968:21).

25. Thomas 1941, pp. 181, 183; (Croix 30 Oct. 1781 paragraphs 414, 420). Moore and Beene 1971, p. 271, n.13. Meanwhile, Juan Bautista de Anza led his second California expedition out of Tubac Presidio on 23 October 1775. He stopped at Tucson the night of 26–27 October, clearly identifying it as a “pueblo” (Bolton 1930:III:6, 9–10). Garcés called Tucson “the last Christian settlement in this direction” (Galvin 1965:5). Thus, the garrison remained at Tubac at the end of October 1775.

26. Moore and Beene 1971, p. 276.

27. Coues 1900, Vol. I, p. 29; Bolton 1931, p. 28. Inasmuch as O'Connor reported that the Altar, Tubac and Tucson garrisons all were to have moved on December 10 (Moore & Beene 1971:276), he clearly had ordered them to do so. I follow Font, however, on the Tubac-Tucson move having actually occurred in 1776. Just when the move was made continues to be a question, but it may have been well into 1776. Father Francisco Garcés mentioned no post at Tucson when he returned from California and the Hopi


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Pueblos via the Gila River, reaching his Mission San Xavier del Bac on 17 September 1776 (Galvin 1965:88). Negative evidence cannot be conclusive, yet one would think that Garcés would have mentioned the post had it been moved during his absence. Instead, he continued to recommend that a presidio be established on the Gila and another on the Colorado River (Galvin 1965:93). That the post moved to Tucson in 1776 is indicated also by a list of “Patents and Commissions of Officers of war from 1776 until 1783” for the “Presidio of San Agustín de Tugson” (Archivo General de Indias Audiencia de Guadalajara 505). Had the garrison moved to Tucson in 1775, it seems logical to expect that the scribe would have given 1775 as the initial date for the promotion list.

Friar Pedro Font accompanied Anza's second expedition to Upper California as chaplain, astronomer and diarist (Bolton 1931:IV:ix). Font departed from Mission San José de Pimas, where he was missionary, on 30 June 1775 (ibid., p. 2). After returning to Sonora, Font wrote a short report on the trip at Ures, then repaired to Tubutama Mission to write one five times as long (ibid., p. x). Visiting Santa Maria Magdalena, the priest was nearly slain by Seris who attacked in 1770. Soon after, Font took up duties as missionary at San Diego de Pitiquito, where he served until his death on 6 September 1781 (Arricivita 1792:561).

28. Medina 1779.

29. Bolton 1930, Vol. III, pp. 6–192.

30. Oliva could sign his name, inasmuch as his signature appears on O'Connor's certifications of inspection of the Santa Cruz and San Bernardino sites. O'Connor (18 de Agosto de 1775) criticized Oliva's illiteracy, however, so signing his name probably constituted the limit of Oliva's ability.

31. Oliva 13 de Agosto de 1775 No. 8.

32. O'Conor 18 de Agosto de 1775.

33. Bucareli 27 de Octubre de 1775.

34. Charles III, 28 de Febrero de 1776.

35. Bucareli 27 de Mayo de 1776.

36. Bolton 1930, Vol. V, p. 392.

37. Bolton 1931, Vol. IV, p. 510. Font referred to Beldarrain on 24 May 1776 as the ensign of Tubac. This could mean that the garrison remained at Tubac. On the other hand, presidial place associations often lingered after a move, so Font could have referred to the unit as the Tubac company even after its advance to Tucson.

38. Thomas 1932, p. 6.

39. Service Record in Medina 1779. Assigned on 11 February he actually assumed command on 12 June.

40. Allande y Saabedra 1785.

41. Gerald 1968, p. 16.

42. Brinckerhoff and Faulk 1965, pp. 26–27.

43. Medina 1779.

44. Croix 23 de Agosto de 1780.

45. Medina 15 de Enero de 1784. Moore & Beene (1971:271, n.13) also give 1783 as the date of wall completion. The source is not apparent, however, inasmuch as the only post-1783 document they cite says nothing about the physical structure. (It is Neve's 26 January 1784 report already published in translation [Dobyns 1964:32] and retranslated below.)

46. Lockwood 1943, p. 3, reported the walls were 18 inches thick. Modern construction allowed Dr. Edward Danson and University of Arizona students to expose the northeast corner of the presidio in 1954 (Chambers 1955:15). They found that the sun-dried bricks employed to make the wall averaged 4 inches thick, 12 inches wide and 18 inches long. Three bricks were laid in adobe mortar to form the base (Greenleaf & Wallace 1962:22). Thus, it slightly exceeded 3 feet in width.

47. Gallego 1935, p. 76.

48. Hughes 1885. Actually, the presidio was between 600 and 700 feet square (Brinckerhoff, personal communication). Greenleaf & Wallace (1962:22) wrote that the walled area was 750 feet square.

49. In Arizona, the Spanish presidio, with its civilian farming-ranching satellite population, and the Mormon irrigated farming village followed similar although independent models of concentrating rural populations in compact settlements within Native American


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territories. The customary Anglo-American settlement on scattered family farmsteads proved much less adapted to conditions on the Apache frontier.

Both villages followed a pre-existing ideal plan. The Mormon village followed the plan for the “City of Zion” drawn up by Joseph Smith, Sidney Rigdon and Frederick G. Williams in 1833 (Nelson 1930:18). They were probably entirely ignorant of Spanish town and military post planning.

50. Foster 1960, p. 49.

51. Presidial social solidarity resembled that of the Mormon village. Anti-Mormon sentiment and actions by non-Mormons initially fostered in-group solidarity among Mormon villagers, contributing to the success of this form of European land settlement in regions of North America previously occupied only by native inhabitants. While the Paiute Indians posed no great military threat to Mormon villagers, inter-ethnic hostilities did help to reinforce village social solidarity (Nelson 1930:26–27).

52. Mormon leaders had to struggle to achieve identification with an older prestige (Nelson 1930:21).

53. The religious institution formed the backbone of the Mormon village. Nelson (1930: 29) concluded that the geographic and social environment of the Great Basin favored the village settlement plan. Tucson and similar Spanish colonial settlements raise doubts about Nelson's geographic determinism. The Spanish presidio exemplified at Tucson also shared a social environment of European intrusion into Native American territory, thus fostering compact, easily defensible settlements. What the geographic environment may have had to do with favoring village settlement seems much less apparent. Nelson mentions that village settlement fostered common pasturage of harvested fields and common fencing and storage of crops in the village. Yet these are actions governed by the cultural patterns of the people carrying them out independent of environmental imperatives.

While Spanish documents about Tucson are silent regarding fencing, for example, one can easily doubt after seeing hundreds of unfenced Hispanic American rural villages that fences separated Tucson fields or pastures. Inasmuch as the rich alluvial fields of the Santa Cruz River Valley contained no significant amount of stone to interfere with cultivation, even stone fence rows of the sort common in formerly glaciated mountain areas of Meso-America and South America did not appear at Tucson. Sketches and photographs of this part of the valley in the 19th century make doubtful whether Tucson truck gardeners ever enclosed their rich plots with puddled adobe walls in the fashion of farmers in the rich irrigated valleys of coastal Peru or the Andean highlands.

The point is that both Spaniards and Mormons settled in villages in environments not very different and affording materials from which fences or walls could be fashioned. Yet Mormons erected fences as did other Northwest Europeans, while the Spaniards apparently did not erect them, like other inheritors of Mediterranean cultural traditions. In other words, cultural antecedents affected village life far more than did environmental factors.

54. Malinowski 1945, pp. 50, 73ff.

55. Spicer 1962, p. 98.

56. Sasaki and Adair (1952:108–109) reported on Navajo settlers on a U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs irrigation project. They found kinship ties that allowed nuclear families to cooperate in taking turns irrigating were crucial to production success. Beardsley (1964) found that rice-growing led to close parallels in social organization in Japan and Spain. Gallin (1959) reported the same phenomenon on Taiwan.

57. Most Mormon villages shared with Tucson this environmental influence of semi-aridity, so that farming and gardening depended upon irrigation. Nelson (1930) nonetheless did not recognize the need for minimal cooperation in irrigation water management as one influence toward cooperation in Mormon villages as a form of land settlement.

58. Medina 1779.

59. Charles III, 12 de Junio de 1777.

60. Cline (1962:174) suggested that the borderlands bred during that century “a type of frontiersman …” who was “insufficiently delineated in the literature.…”

61. Medina 1779. Miguel's father, Bernardo de Urrea, was born in Culiacán, Sinaloa, about 1710. Moving to Pitíc (modern Hermosillo), he had become a government official by 1748. In 1751, he organized militia to fight rebel Native Americans, beginning a career


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that included participation in over 100 actions against Native Americans. Don Bernardo thrice served as acting governor of the Province of Sonora and Sinaloa and took command of the Sonoran troops on two occasions. Commandant General of the Frontier Provinces Teodoro de Croix granted Don Bernardo's retirement in February of 1777, but the pioneer Urrea did not live to enjoy it (Almada 1952:805–806).

Don Miguel de Urrea's career as an Indian fighter paralleled that of his father in many ways. Despite their success in battle after battle, these frontier officers never won the wars against Native American foes.

62. Charles III, 31 de Agosto de 1776.

63. Bolton 1931, Vol. IV, p. 511; O'Conor 18 de Agosto de 1775.

64. Charles III, 26 de Agosto de 1778 a.

65. Torres Q. 1921, p. 33.

66. Ibid., pp. 12–20.

67. Ibid., p. 12.

68. Spicer 1962, p. 98.

69. Ibid., p. 482.

70. Malinowski 1945, pp. 50, 73–75.

71. Medina 1779.

72. Brinckerhoff and Faulk 1965, pp. 22–23. A soldier's annual pay was 290 pesos (pp. 18–19), or 6.35 reales per day.

73. Thomas 1941, p. 152 (Croix 30 de Oct. de 1780 Para. 312).

74. Charles III, 26 de Agosto de 1778 b. Frontier Province Commandant Inspector Hugh O'Connor assigned Márquez to the Tubac unit when he inspected it in 1775, and recommended Oliva for retirement and Beldarrain for dismissal (O'Conor 18 de Agosto de 1775). Tona eventually won a commission as second ensign at Santa Cruz. In 1784, he was promoted to first ensign (Charles III 28 de Marzo de 1784). He rose to the rank of captain and commanded the presidial garrison at San Miguel de Horcasitas at the time of his death late in 1802 or early in 1803 (Charles IV 18 de Marzo de 1803).

75. Parke 1855, p. 30.

76. Oury 1862–1864, pp. 83–84.

77. Bolton 1939, pp. 83–84.

78. Tumacacori B, fol. 137.


Fighting Apaches: Offense and Defense 17787–1782

1. Allande y Saabedra 1785 Memorial.

2. Don Pedro de Tueros was captain of the oldest Sonoran presidio when Lieutenant Colonel Juan B. de Anza left the commandancy of arms of Sonora to attend Croix's council of war in Chihuahua. Croix ordered Tueros to assume the military command of the province, which he did in March of 1778 (Thomas 1941:141). After 60 Apaches slew 20 of 34 troopers from Santa Cruz Presidio in open battle, Tueros reinforced that post with a volunteer company (ibid., p. 142). Tueros twice personally led San Miguel de Horcasitas presidials against Seris. Brigadier Jacobo Ugarte y Loyola relieved Tueros on 31 July 1779 (ibid., p. 143).

3. Thomas 1941, p. 143. Thomas sums up Croix's life and Frontier Provinces service.

4. Croix :30 de Nov.e de 1778.

5. Allande y Saabedra 1785 Memorial.

6. Ibid.

7. Croix 1780. Croix made Arizpe capital of the Frontier Provinces late in 1779.

8. Spicer 1962, p. 133.

9. Ezell 1961, p. 136.

10. Spicer 1962, p. 427. This process of linguistic unification is one that Spicer did not mention.

11. Croix 7 de Marzo de 1780.


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12. Thomas 1941, p. 219 (Croix 30 Oct. 1781, Para. 521).

13. Thomas 1941, p. 220 (Croix 30 Oct. 1781, Para. 528).

14. Thomas 1941, pp. 59–60.

15. Croix 23 de Agosto de 1780. A detachment of the garrison pursued the Apaches when they withdrew, but without result.

16. Croix 23 de Julio de 1780.

17. Croix 23 de Agosto de 1780.

18. Croix 23 de Marzo de 1781.

19. Priestley 1913, pp. 35–39.

20. Abate 2 de Mayo de 1782.

21. Thomas 1932, p. 45.

22. Scholes (1962:23) identified a need for such studies in assessing the historiography of the Southwest.

23. Allande y Saabedra 2 de Mayo de 1782.

24. This tree bears a pod reportedly made into pinole in Sonora at one time (Lange, Riley & Lange, eds., 1970:281).

25. Usarraga y Delgado 1782.

26. Velderrain 4 de Mayo de 1782.

27. “Distinguished” was a title of respect for enlisted men of hihger social status than common soldiers in the presidial garrisons. “Distinguished” soldiers would normally be commissioned after training.

28. Franco 1782.

29. Charles III, 21 de Febrero de 1783.

30. Usarraga 3 de Mayo de 1782.

31. Allande y Saabedra 1785.

32. Abate, 2 de Mayo de 1782, partial translation.

33. Charles III, 14 de Mayo de 1782.

34. Allande y Saabedra 1785.

35. Ibid.

36. Usarraga y Granillo 3 de Mayo de 1782.

37. Usarraga, Fernandez, Cancio y Ortega 1782.

38. Usarraga 3 de Mayo de 1782.

39. Usarraga, Fernandez, Cancio y Ortega 1782.

40. Croix 15 de Mayo de 1782.

41. This was the estimate most generally postulated (Usarraga, Fernandez, Cancio y Ortega 1782).

42. Spicer 1962, p. 547.

43. Ibid.

44. Usarraga 3 de Mayo de 1782.

45. Franco 1782.

46. Usarraga y Chacón 1782.

47. Medina 15 de Enero de 1784.


Harassing the Western Apaches 1782–1792

1. Brinckerhoff and Faulk 1965, p. 7.

2. Brinckerhoff 1967, p. 8.

3. Sauer 1935, p. 4.

4. Neve 30 de Noviembre de 1782.

5. The king in his 1772 New Regulations specified that ten Indian scouts commanded by a corporal should be attached to each frontier garrison (Brinckerhoff & Faulk 1965:17).

6. Neve 30 de Noviembre de 1782.

7. Neve 26 de Enero de 1784, fol. 2.

8. Croix 27 de Enero de 1783: No. 869.

9. Croix Julio de 1783.


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10. Allande 1785. These three campaigns did not go simply “to the Gila River” as stated by Brinckerhoff (1967:8).

11. Medina 15 de Enero de 1784.

12. Medina 1779.

13. Abate 24 de Diciembre de 1783.

14. Brinckerhoff and Faulk 1965, pp. 22–23. Paragraph 5, Title 4, called for each soldier to have one mule, six serviceable horses and one colt.

15. Neve 26 de Enero de 1784, partial translation. Like most superior officers in Spain's colonial service, Phelipe de Neve benefitted from birth on the Peninsula, in the city of Bailén. Governor of the Californias from 1775 to 1782, he moved the capital from Loreto in Lower California to Monterey in Upper California. Neve became adjutant inspector of the Frontier Provinces in the latter year. On 12 August 1783, he succeeded to the command vacated by the Caballero Teodoro de Croix. Again he displayed a penchant for changing capitals. In May of 1784, Neve advised the Chihuahua city government to prepare quarters for him and his staff. He died on the road from Arizpe to Chihuahua City on 21 August 1784 (Almada 1952:505).

16. Neve 5 de Abril de 1784, fol. 1.

17. Tumacacori B., fol. 24.

18. Medina 1779.

19. Neve 5 de Abril de 1784.

20. Treutlein 1949, p. 291.

21. Neve 30 de Noviembre de 1782, emphasis added.

22. Medina 15 de Enero de 1784, emphasis added.

23. O'Conor 1 de Diz.e de 1775, fol. 78v.

24. Neve 8 de Marzo de 1784.

25. Charles III 23 de Agosto de 1784.

26. Thomas 1932, p. 246.

27. Ibid., p. 248. Don Roque de Medina, a captain of cavalry, became adjutant inspector under Frontier Province Commandant General Teodoro de Croix (Thomas 1941:143).

28. Thomas 1932, pp. 248, 254. Don Diego de Borica ranked as a captain commanding San Elezario Presidio when Frontier Province Commandant General Teodoro de Croix assumed command. When the commanding inspector of Nueva Vizcaya died, Croix commissioned Borica to inspect the frontier presidios (Thomas 1941:117).

29. Thomas 1932, pp. 248, 255.

30. Allande 1785.

31. Thomas 1932, p. 255.

32. Ibid., p. 248.

33. Ibid., p. 249.

34. Ibid., p. 256.

35. Ibid., p. 240.

36. Sauer 1935, p. 5.

37. Ibid., pp. 7–8, 12.

38. Ibid., p. 9.

39. Ibid., pp. 10–11.

40. Allande 1785.

41. Sauer 1935, p. 12.

42. Neve 6 de Julio de 1784.

43. Allande 1785.

44. Medina 6 de Octubre de 1785.

45. Charles III 27 de Feb.o de 1784.

46. Viceroy Bernardo de Gálvez gained his initial colonial experience on the frontier of New Spain fighting Apaches, beginning in 1769. He rose rapidly in the royal service with the aid of his uncle, José de Gálvez, one of King Charles III's most powerful ministers. Bernardo returned to Spain after Hugh O'Connor assumed the Frontier Province command. The king sent Bernardo to Louisiana in 1776 with the rank of colonel, and in September of that year a royal order made him acting governor.

When Spain joined the rebel English North American colonies in 1779, Bernardo de Gálvez conquered the British Gulf posts, including Pensacola and Mobile Bays, as


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well as taking the Bahamas. In 1783, he participated in councils in Spain, establishing policies for the new Florida and Mississippi frontiers. Toward the end of 1784, he became captain general of Cuba and governor of Louisiana and the Floridas.

When his father died in 1785, Bernardo succeeded him as viceroy of New Spain. He retained jurisdiction over Cuba, Louisiana and the Floridas, and extended his authority over the Frontier Provinces. Not long after promulgating the new Apache policy, however, he died during an epidemic (Worcester 1951:21–22).

47. Bancroft 1889, pp. 378–379. The entire Gálvez Instruction has been translated into English by Donald E. Worcester (1951).

48. Echegaray 12 de Febrero de 1788, fol. 368. The king transferred Echegaray, already a captain of the Third Mobile Company of Nueva Vizcaya to command the Presidio of Santa Cruz in 1785 after the death of Captain Josef Antonio de Vildosola (Charles III 5 de Febrero de 1785).

49. Echegaray 12 de Feb.o de 1788 fol. 370v–371.

50. Ibid., fol. 371v.

51. Ibid., fol. 369.

52. Croix 30 Nov.e de 1778.

53. Croix 23 de Junio de 1780.

54. Medina 27 de Febrero de 1786.

55. Almada 1952:697.

56. Charles III 12 de Octubre de 1788.

57. Arvizu 31 de Diciembre de 1816, fol. 235.

58. Ugarte 10 de Julio de 1788.

59. Romero 24 de Junio de 1788, fol. 425v.

60. Almada 1952:697.

61. Charles III 12 de Octubre de 1788.

62. Arriquibar 6 de Marzo de 1806.

63. Charles III 1 de Octubre de 1788a.

64. Charles III 27 de Feb. de 1784.

65. Hammond 1931, pp. 42, 44.

66. Echegaray 20 de Octubre de 1788, fol. 520–520v.

67. Hammond 1931, p. 46. Captain Echegaray did not survive long in the era of peace. He died in 1796 (Charles IV Sep.re 7 de 1796).

68. Bancroft 1889, p. 379.

69. Brinckerhoff 1967, pp. 19–20. Brinckerhoff (1967:19) concluded that the Spaniards held the Apaches “at bay” for “three decades,” one more than Bancroft.

70. Brinckerhoff appears not entirely consistent. In this summary of late colonial times that emphasizes 30 years of peace, Brinckerhoff (1967:19) still writes of “the breakdown of frontier Indian policies.” Because Apaches returned to economic raiding after 1830, Brinckerhoff blames the Spaniards — who had not then ruled Mexico for a decade—for not driving enough Apaches to seek peace and for not sufficiently converting to “the Spanish way of life” those who did. Brinckerhoff does mention Mexican independence as one factor making “full execution” of the Gálvez plan impossible. He does not amplify that key Mexican policy-makers abandoned the Gálvez strategy and reverted to inter-ethnic warfare, as well as terminated the subsidy program. In effect, Mexico forced many Peaceful Apaches to return to hunting, gardening and economic raiding.

71. Brinckerhoff and Faulk 1965, p. 7, have not been the only writers who underestimated the effectiveness of Spanish colonial frontier institutions in northern New Spain. Priestly (1917:357) long since set a pattern by considering the Frontier Provinces set up by José de Gálvez as too large, thinly settled and geographically difficult “for successful unification.” His conclusion that what he termed a “paucity of Spanish resources” for protecting such a vast territory was felt no more keenly anywhere else may be questioned along with the view of Brinckerhoff and Faulk, in terms of information about military success in the Frontier Provinces presented in this chapter.

72. Almada 1952, p. 67.

73. Charles IV 12 de Agosto de 1789.

74. Charles IV 19 de Mayo de 1792.


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75. Charles III 26 de Agosto de 1778c. Born in 1755, José de Zúñiga entered royal service on 18 October 1772 as an officer candidate. He campaigned under O'Connor in 1773–76, and aided in the transfer of the del Norte, Pilares and San Carlos de Cerro Gordo Presidios. After winning his commission dated 26 August 1778, Zúñiga earned promotion to lieutenant on 21 April 1780. He then languished in grade for a dozen years. In 1781, Zúñiga led a group of colonists from Guaymas to Loreto and then Mission San Gabriel. On 8 September 1781, he assumed command at San Diego (Holterman 1956:1).

76. Charles IV 1 de Marzo de 1790.

77. Charles IV 11 de Agosto de 1790.


Peace with the Western Apaches 1793–1821

1. Moorhead 1968.

2. Corbalán 1 de Diciembre de 1796 b; Moorehead 1968, pp. 182–183.

3. Moorhead 1968, pp. 183–185.

4. Ibid., pp. 63, 185. Jacobo de Ugarte y Loyola, born in the Peninsular Province of Guipúzcoa in 1728, entered the royal army on 15 April 1742 in the Royal Guards. After fighting in Italy and Portugal as a field grade officer, Ugarte was posted to New Spain. Governor of Coahuila from 5 December 1769, he there received his promotion to brigadier. Thereafter Ugarte served as military governor of Sonora (1779–1782), governor of Puebla (1783–1785) and commandant general of the Frontier Provinces (1786–1787). Those provinces returned to viceregal control on 20 May 1787, and the viceroy made Ugarte directly responsible for Sonora, Sinaloa and the Californias. Although he energetically led the campaign to pacify the Apaches, Ugarte ended Spanish persecution of Tarahumara Indians. Promoted to field marshall, Ugarte left the Frontier Provinces on 14 September 1790 to become intendent governor, captain general and president of the Audiencia of Nueva Galicia in Guadalajara on 14 January 1791.

The king promoted Ugarte to lieutenant general in 1797, and he died on 20 August 1798, mourned by people of all social classes. One reason was his interest in building institutions behind the frontier. Ugarte initiated the first primary school and the military hospital in Chihuahua City, inaugurated the University of Guadalajara and introduced the first press in the modern State of Jalisco. (Almada 1952:801–802).

5. Moorhead 1968, p. 186. Juan de Ugalde governed Coahuila and Texas once the viceroy regained control of the Frontier Provinces in May of 1787 (Almada 1952:801). El Norte Presidio is modern Ciudad Juárez opposite El Paso, Texas.

6. Moorhead 1968, pp. 188–191.

7. Ibid., p. 191.

8. Escalante 1 de Febrero de 1788; Moorhead 1968,p. 192.

9. Moorhead 1968, p. 193.

10. Ibid., pp. 194–196.

11. Ibid., pp. 198–199.

12. Echegaray 21 de Enero de 1793, fol. 527.

13. Ibid., Nava 29 de Enero de 1793, fol. 529.

14. Nava 14 de Febrero de 1793, fol. 551.

15. Pedro de Nava commanded the Frontier Provinces from 7 March 1791 until 4 November 1802. He finally changed the capital from Arizpe to Chihuahua and again led an administration independent of the viceroy (Almada 1952: 501).

16. Echegaray 21 de Enero de 1793.

17. Corbalán 1 de Diciembre de 1786a. Pedro de Corbalán, born in Barcelona, came to New Spain in 1766 with his relative, the Viceroy Marqués de Croix. Corbalán reached Sonora as subintendent of exchequer with the Sonora Expedition of 1767. Promoted to intendent, Corbalán assumed charge of the royal treasury office at Alamos. Simultaneously, he became governor to replace Juan de Pineda, until the arrival of Sastré in 1772. On 27 July 1776 the king made Corbalán governor of Sonora. After 11 years in that office, he returned to Alamos, where he died in September of 1797 (Almada 1952:184–185).


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18. Escalante 26 de Enero de 1787.

19. Garrido 20 de Diciembre de 1787. The Indian agent paid 4 pesos per Spanish bushel of wheat (J. A. de Escalante 31 de Agosto de 1789), 4 pesos 4 reales per bushel of maize (Theran 10 de Febrero de 1789) and purchased cigarettes at 16 packs for a peso (Denofeanto 20 de Marzo de 1789).

20. Escalante Diciembre de 1788.

21. Licendiado Garrido had succeeded Pedro Corbalán as governor of Sonora and Sinaloa in October of 1787 (Almada 1952:185).

22. Escalante Diciembre de 1788.

23. Llorens Junio 2 de 1795, fol. 65.

24. Hernandez 1820, fol. 215.

25. León 29 de Agosto de 1813a.

26. Chapman 1919, pp. 718–719.

27. Carrillo 25 de Febrero de 1819.

28. Narbona 8 de Marzo de 1819.

29. Cordero 1 de Abril de 1819.

30. Venadito 11 de Mayo de 1819.

31. Romero 21 de Mayo de 1819.

32. García Conde 19 de Julio de 1819.

33. Diaz 1873, p. 3.

34. Carroll 1965, p. 10.


Peacetime Presidio 1793–1821

1. King Charles IV of Spain, second son of Carlos III and María Amelia, was born 11 November 1748. In 1765, he married Maria Luisa of Parma, who, with a series of ministers, dominated him when he assumed the throne on his father's death on 14 December 1788. When French revolutionists executed King Louis XVI on 21 January 1793, Charles declared war, and Spanish troops marched into France. Spain spent 680,000,000 reales during the first six months, and in 1794–1795 expenditure was double the government's income. France invaded Spain, occupying Figueras, Fuenterrabía, Pasajes and San Sebastian. Spain ceded part of Santo Domingo in the 22 July 1795 peace treaty.

Less than two years later, Charles IV allied Spain with the French Directory on 27 June 1797, and declared war on England on 7 October. His foreign policy turned into unmitigated disaster from that time on. Under the 1807 Treaty of Fontainebleau for the partition of Portugal, Napoleon sent troops into Spain. On 19 March 1808, Charles IV abdicated in favor of Crown Prince Ferdinand after trying to flee. Meeting with Napoleon, Charles agreed to cede the Spanish Crown to the emperor in return for a pension. Going to Compiègne, he moved to Rome in 1811, dying there on 20 January 1819 (Anon. 1966:11:1039–1040).

2. Captain George Vancouver met Zúñiga at San Diego on 27 November 1793. The British explorer referred to Zúñiga as former commander of the San Diego post, recently promoted and preparing to leave for his new post (Holterman 1956:2 citing Vancouver 1798:II:470, 473, 482).

3. Moraga 1793.

4. Charles IV 18 de Julio de 1793. A grandson of that Bernardo de Urrea who founded the Presidio of Altar, Mariano was born there in 1765. After serving Altar as a cadet and Horcasitas as an ensign, Mariano was promoted to a lieutenant in the Tucson company on 25 February 1793. He became commanding lieutenant of the Opata Indian Company of Bacoachi on 9 September 1804. On 20 July he ascended to captain in command at Altar.

The 1810 revolution drastically changed his career. After helping route Gonzalez de Hermosillo at San Ignacio Piaxtla, Urrea assumed command of the Rosario area. In 1812, he went to Tepic. In 1815, he assumed command of the Colotlan Provincial Regiment as lieutenant colonel and acting governor. He went to Apatzingan in 1819 and in 1821 supported General Pedro Celestino Negrete in proclaiming the Plan de


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Iguala for independence. Urrea commanded the cavalry during the siege of Durango, taking command of Nueva Vizcaya.

Emperor Iturbide made Urrea a colonel in 1822, and he briefly commanded the Western Frontier Provinces. Removed by Iturbide, Urrea defended himself in Mexico City, then led some of the troops that deposed the emperor.

The next government rewarded Urrea with the title of superior political and military chief of the Provinces of Sonora and Sinaloa, where he took command 31 July 1823. Arrested in 1825 and sent to Mexico City under escort, Urrea joined a Masonic lodge. He tried to raise a rebellion at the end of 1826. Re-arrested, he was exiled. Urrea died in Guayaquil, Ecuador, in 1852 (Almada 1952:810–813; Villa 1948:184).

5. Charles IV 9 de Mayo de 1794. Franco retired with this rank within three years (Charles IV 8 de Junio de 1797).

6. Nava 8 de Agosto de 1794.

7. Hammond 1931, p. 52.

8. Ibid., p. 53.

9. Ibid., pp. 57–58. Antonio Narbona was to become an important post-independence official in Mexico, as outlined in Chapter 10. He was born in 1773 and served in Campeche before coming to Sonora. Narbona's key action for independence came on 6 September 1821. In 1823, as acting head of the Province of Sonora, Narbona suppressed Yaqui and Opata unrest. Promoted to colonel in 1825, he aided in defeating rebel Yaquis. Turning over the Sonoran command to General Figueroa, Narbona became governor of New Mexico in 1826 and 1827. Returning to Sonora, he died in Arizpe in 1830 according to Almada (1952:500). Villa (1948:14) claimed that Narbona was born at Cuaquiárachi, Sonora, and was killed there by Apaches on 23 December 1848, which seems doubtful.

10. Hammond 1931, p. 62.

11. Bringas 15 de Marzo de 1796, fol. 22.

12. Hammond 1931, p. 52.

13. Charles IV, 1 de Julio de 1794.

14. Mata Biñolas 1794.

15. Arvizu 31 de Diciembre de 1816, fol. 233.

16. Ibid., fol. 231.

17. Hammond 1931, pp. 53, 55. Manuel Ignacio de Arvizu was born in Altar in 1760. He we apparently a brother or a son of Manuel Antonio de Arvizu, who became a captain at Altar in 1796 (Charles IV 6 de Diz.re de 1796).

Manual Ignacio joined the Altar presidial company in 1779 at 19 years of age. Ten years later he became a cadet and won a commission on 22 January 1794 as second ensign of the Santa Cruz garrison (Charles IV 22 de En.o de 1794). He served almost a decade at that rank, winning promotion in 1803 (Charles IV 11 de Mayo de 1803).

Arvizu became lieutenant in the Pitíc garrison in 1805, and won a captaincy in 1809 as commander of the Bavispe post. He followed Alejo García Conde south in 1810 to defeat Gonzales Hermosillo at San Ignacio Piaxtla. Arvizu then ascended to lieutenant colonel in 1812 after a dozen engagements against the rebels. In 1814, he commanded a Mobile Company. His later role at Tucson is noted in the text.

Arvizu adhered to the Plan de Iguala on 3 September and won his colonelcy in December. In 1823, Arvizu commanded the State of Chihuahua. Nonetheless, he reportedly returned to the Tucson command in 1825, the same year that he engaged rebel Yaquis. Charged with desertion during the Yaqui campaign, Arvizu was rehabilitated by the federal Congress in 1827, and assumed command of the San Buenaventura garrison. Retired, he died in Arizpe early in 1832 (Almada 1952:84).

18. Almada 1952, p. 806. Villa (1948:177) reported that José was born at Altar on 19 March. José himself considered 19 March his birthday (Castañeda 1928:223) so he may well have been born at Altar and baptized several months later at Tucson.

Considering the military record achieved by both the Urrea and Elías Gonzales families on the northwestern frontier of New Spain, a brilliant career could have been


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predicted for their joint offspring. José began his military career on 15 August 1809 as a cadet in the presidial garrison of San Rafael de Buenavista. Over the next 11 years he distinguished himself in various military maneuvers in Mexico, winning regular promotions. He supported the Plan de Iguala and received a captaincy on 12 December 1821. Assigned to Huichapan, he supported the Plan de Casa Mata that overthrew Iturbide. Then he took part in the siege of San Juan de Uloa, the final Spanish stronghold in Mexico.

Thereafter José initiated a long career as a political-military rebel. Highlights of this unusual lifetime included service as general of brigade of the force moving into Texas to put down the Anglo-American independence movement, two years (6 May 1842–21 May 1844) as governor and military commandant of Sonora, and active service as commandant general of Tamaulipas and Durango during the last years of his life. Low points included periods in prison and exile, and defeats of his several rebellions against the various governments. He died on 1 August 1849 during the cholera epidemic. In sum, Tucson native son José de Urrea y Elías Gonzáles pursued a colorful, active career of political rebellions, defections and disobedience to orders of the central government for 40 years, with occasional flashes of progressive governance, supported always by strong partisans and opposed by bitter enemies (Almada 1952:806–810).

19. Urrea 24 de Agosto de 1798.

20. Ynforme sobre las Misiones del Colegio de Querétaro.

21. Arvizu 31 de Diciembre de 1816, fol. 235. Holterman (1956:3) reports that Zúñiga was captain of Tucson in 1806 when ordered to pay some of Nicolás Soler's debts. Zúñiga served as adjutant inspector of the province at Arizpe at least as early as August 1807 (García H. 7 de Agosto de 1807). The rank of lieutenant colonel that Holterman (1956:3) says Zúñiga held was consistent with the adjutant inspector's post, although a Mexico City 30 May 1810 dispatch placed Zúñiga at Tucson, according to Holterman. Almada (1952:851) wrote that Ignacio Zúñiga received command of Tucson in 1809. Thus, a question of identification arises! Brinckerhoff (1967:11, n. 16) followed Holterman in having José de Zúñiga at Tucson until 1810 and dating his lieutenant colonelcy to that year.

22. Charles IV 11 de Mayo de 1803.

23. Nemesio Salcedo 4 de Septiembre de 1806.

24. Arvizu 31 de Dic.e de 1816, fol. 235. Almada (1952:851) claimed, however, that Ignacio Zúñiga assumed command of Tucson in 1809, and at Pitíc in 1816. I rely on Tucson service records and primary documents for the command record in the text, and conclude that peacetime post command changed very frequently.

25. Manuel de León rose through the ranks like other officers of the colonial period. He served as corporal in the Bacoachi garrison as early as January, 1789. Even as a non-commissioned officer, León enjoyed the advantage of literacy (León 11 de Enero de 1789), bespeaking an early formal education uncommon among presidial soldiers. Service at Bacoachi at that time accustomed León to dealing with Peaceful Apaches from a very early point in his military career. That surely became a major concern of Tueson's officers from 1793 until independence.

In 1804, León became an ensign and commanded the Pima Indian Company at Tubac (León 1807:3). He continued there at least until 22 December 1808, when he and his wife became godparents to a son born to citizens of Tumacacori (San José de Tumacacori B. f. 45). Some time during the following five years, Manuel de León transferred to Tucson, having been promoted to lieutenant. There he would remain until at least early 1825 (León 16 Febrero de 1825; Urrea 8 de Marzo de 1825).

26. León 29 de Agosto de 1813a, fol. 1–1v.

27. León, 29 de Agosto de 1813b, fol. 2.

28. León 19 de Octubre de 1813, fol. 7.

29. León 29 de Agosto de 1813a, fol. 15v–16.

30. Ibid., fol. 16v–17, 19.

31. León 29 de Enero de 1815, fol. 20v.


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32. Arvizu 31 de Diciembre de 1816; Arvizu 1 de Enero de 1817; 1 de Febrero de 1817; 1 de Marzo de 1817. Arvizu was promoted to command Tucson from the captaincy of the Fourth Mobile Company of the Kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya (Bonavía Octubre 5 de 1816). Almada (1952:84) apparently erred in stating that Arvizu assumed command of Tucson in 1818. His text suggests that Arvizu still held the Tucson command when he opted for independence in early September of 1821. Yet he was not in command a year earlier.

33. Arvizu 1 de Marzo de 1817.

34. Stoner and Dobyns 1959, p. 78.

35. Arvizu 1 de Enero de 1817. Baxa. Not translated with the review.

36. Arvizu 1 de Febrero de 1817.

37. Arvizu 1 de Marzo do 1817.

38. Although he is shown on the Tucson company report at the beginning of 1817 (Table 10, Appendix), he may not actually have moved there from El Paso. In any case, at the end of September 1817 he had gone to the San Buenaventura garrison as a lieutenant, so his youthful stay at Tucson was short (Almada 1952:239).

39. Villa 1948, p. 56.

40. Almada 1952, pp. 239–240.

41. Anónimo 1 de Julio de 1817, fol. 419, f. 434.

42. Palerm s.f., p. 73.

43. Ibid., p. 77.

44. Ibid., p. 79.


Religion at the Royal Fort of San Agustín de Tucson, 1779–1821

1. Medina 1779, No. 7.

2. Croix 23 de Julio de 1780.

3. Archivo de la Iglesia, Arizpe. Courtesy of Sidney B. Brinckerhoff, Arizona Historical Society.

4. Allande y Saabedra 1785.

5. Haley 1932.

6. Franco 1782.

7. Neve 30 de Noviembre de 1782.

8. Medina 15 de Enero de 1784.

9. Medina 6 de Octubre de 1785.

10. Anónimo Ynforme del Colegio de la Santa Cruz.

11. Moraga 1793.

12. Stoner and Dobyns 1959, p. 75.

13. Ibid., p. 71.

14. Ibid., p. 72.

15. Ibid., p. 73.

16. Ibid., p. 74.

17. Yturralde 24 de Set. de 1795.

18. Friar Lorenzo Simó evidently assumed the chaplaincy of the Bacoachi Opata unit when Arriquibar moved to Tucson. Toward the end of 1796, Simó reported to the bishop of Sonora that he received a 300 peso stipend for ministering to the native Opatas of Bacoachi and baptizing the Peaceful Apaches there “and burying them when they die.” Moreover, the Opata company gave him another 100 pesos for ministering to it (Simó 6 de Nov.e de 1796).

19. Bringas 15 de Marzo de 1796, fol. 20.

20. Espiritu Santo 28 de Setiembre de 1820.

21. Stoner and Dobyns 1959, pp. 78–79.

22. Díaz 1873, p. 3.

23. Torres Q., 1921, p. 63.

24. Moreno 2 de Henero á 5 de Febrero de 1797. Manuel María Moreno, a native Sonoran, took the path of formal education in law and religion to high colonial office. His career eventually brought him the titles of provisor and vice-general governor of the Frontier Provinces (1790) and later provisor and vicar-general (1796). (Moreno 20 de Nov.o de 1795; Nava 12 de Agosto de 1796.)


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25. Arriquibar 6 de Enero de 1804b.

26. Yturralde 28 de Enero de 1799.

27. Rouset 4 de Agosto de 1803.

28. The decree is discussed at length in Dobyns 1959.

29. From Arriquibar 6 de Enero de 1804a.

30. Arriquibar 6 de Marzo de 1806a.

31. Arriquibar 6 de Marzo 1806b.

32. Haley 1932.

33. Arriquibar 6 de Marzo de 1811a.

34. Arriquibar 6 de Marzo de 1811b.

35. Díaz 1873, p. 3.

36. Tumacacori E f. 13 v.

37. From Rouset 12 de Mayo de 1808, ff. 1v–2.

38. Dávalos 18 de Marzo de 1810.

39. McAlister 1957, p. 6.

40. Ibid., p. 93. Appendix One, Table 1.

41. Rouset de Jesús 18 de Diciembre de 1809. The quotations on this topic in the rest of this chapter are my translations of passages in this circular.


The End of Spanish Colonial Rule at Tucson, 1821

1. Temple 1830, Vol. I, p. 234.

2. Bancroft 1885, Vol. IV, p. 20.

3. McAlister 1957, p. 5, etc.

4. Bancroft 1885, Vol. IV, p. 714.

5. Almada 1952, p. 294.

6. Bancroft 1885, Vol. IV, p. 238.

7. Almada 1952, p. 295.

8. Ibid., p. 810.

9. Ibid., p. 811.

10. Ibid., p. 242.

11. Elías 18 June 1826.

12. Mata Biñolas 1794.

13. McKenna 28 July 1794.

14. Mata Biñolas 1794.

15. Almada 1952, p. 500.


Northern Piman Population Trends at Tucson, 1690–1821

1. Dobyns 1966.

2. Díaz del Carpio 1752 fol. 95–95v.

3. Donohue 1960, p. 135. Aguirre reported 220 persons in 70 families with 58 widowed individuals, leaving only 22 children. This was an age structure of a rapidly declining population.

4. Roxas 15 de Enero de 1786.

5. (Neve) 20 de Febrero de 1766.

6. Tumacacori B, fol. 8.

7. Ezell 1956, p. 153.

8. Bancroft 1889, p. 381; Bolton 1930, Vol. II, p. 241.

9. Reyes 1784, fol. 224v.

10. Anónimo 1783.

11. Elías Gonzáles 22 de Marzo de 1762, translated in Chapter 2.

12. Dobyns, Ezell, Jones and Ezell 1960.

13. Yturralde 4 de Febrero de 1796.

14. Anónimo 1796.

15. Yturralde 3 de Abril de 1798, fol. 7v.

16. Yturralde 4 de Mayo de 1798, 4 de Junio de 1798.

17. Llorens 12 de Diciembre de 1801, ff. 3v–10v.


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18. Dobyns 1959, pp. 502, 510–511.

19. Torres Q. 1921, p. 42.

20. Dobyns, Ezell, Jones and Ezell 1957.

21. Bringas 15 de Marzo de 1796, fol. 22–22v.

22. Moyano 18 de Mayo de 1803.

23. Moyano 5 de Febrero de 1805.

24. Perez 31 de Dic. de 1818, fol. 46–47.

25. Dobyns 1959, pp. 511–515.

26. Gonzales 1820, fol. 142–143.

27. Gonzales 4 de Enero de 1821.

28. Scholes (1962:23) complained that historians did “not have adequate reliable information on the basis of which satisfactory judgments” could be made concerning factors in mission “deterioration and decline” over the whole Southwest. Depopulation resulting from introduction of Old World diseases is one general such factor operating throughout the area over a long period of time. Evidence is abundant.

29. Kessell 1972, p. 57.

30. Galindo N., 9 de Diziembre de 1796, f.27v.


Population Dynamics at the Tucson Military Post, 1776–1797

1. Dobyns 1972.

2. Collins 1970.

3. Cook and Borah 1971, pp. 136–137.

4. Whiting 1953, pp. 2–3.

5. Noreña 20 de Octubre de 1796.

6. Legarra 14 de Octubre de 1796.

7. Spicer 1971, pp. 795 ff.

8. Canales 5 de Noviembre de 1796.

9. Collins 1970, pp. 16, 18–22.

10. Santisteban 9 de 7bre de 1796.

11. Martinez 11 de Octubre de 1796.

12. Whiting 1953, pp. 7–9.

13. Messa 1 de Nov.e de 1796.

14. Sepulveda 11 de Diciembre de 1796 (Resúmenes).

15. Collins 1970, pp. 18–22.

16. Dobyns, Ezell, Jones and Ezell 1960.

17. Canales 5 de Agosto de 1796.

18. Brinckerhoff and Faulk 1965, pp. 9 ff.

19. Dobyns 1964, pp. 6–11.

20. Dobyns 1962; 1963.

21. Dobyns 1970.

22. McCall 1969, p. 19.

23. Whiting 1953, pp. 8–9.

24. Collins 1970, pp. 18–22.

25. Alers 1975, pp. 425–426.

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