October 4, 1962
By Morris K. Udall
WHO'S WINNING THE COLD WAR?
I'm proud and fortunate to be an American living in a 20th century society which enjoys more basic freedoms and more material wealth than any nation in the history of this earth. All of us can rejoice in the blessings we now have. Yet, I sense from my mail a great deal of worry and concern about the future of our country. This uneasiness seems to boil down to two conclusions which are drummed into our people from many sources: (1) We are gradually losing our free enterprise system to socialism; and (2) we are slowly, but surely, losing the cold war and will eventually live under communism.
In a recent report I tried to refute the charge that we are blindly stumbling into a democratic socialism. In this report, I will suggest that we stand back a moment and compile a box score of Khrushchev's position in the cold war.
I heard an agitated radio commentator the other night picture Khrushchev as a ruthless giant astride his monolothic Communist empire "steamrolling across the face of the earth at a fantastic speed." This is a defeatist view taken by many constituents who write: we do nothing right; the Russians do nothing wrong; our foreign policy always is blind, foolish, futile; Russian foreign policy is masterful, devious and always successful; the free world is gradually shrinking as communism nibbles away here and there. Is this a balanced view of events since World War II? What are the facts?
It is true that all is not rosy for us. Khrushchev has had some cold war scores; we have serious problems in Berlin, Cuba and elsewhere. The path ahead of us is full of traps and dangers. Perhaps the world will plunge itself into nuclear war. But I venture to suggest that Khrushchev's scorecard isn't all hits and runs. He has a lot of errors and strikeouts too.
The Liability Side of Khrushchev's Ledger
All of us are familiar with Communism's successes. Let's take a look at the debit side of its ledger. Here are some of the things worrying this 68 year old dictator as he looks over the world from his Kremlin office.
Worry: The Home Front
None of this means an internal overthrow of the Communist regime is in the offing. But it indicates that this home base of all Communist power is not a place of enthusiastic multitudes. Perhaps it is the Communist economy (not the capitalist) which carries by its very nature the seeds of its own destruction.
Worry: The Satellite World
Eastern Europe, with its 116 million people, had
close ties with Western Europe in the past. Much evidence indicates the
people of Eastern Europe remain restless and anti-Communist:
To a large degree the satellite captive nations are not Russian assets, but liabilities.
Worry: Red China
Along the border of K's homeland lies Red China. Its more than 650 million people (a fifth of mankind) are restless, impoverished, in desperate need of food and space. Red China might start war with India--a war Russia does not want. The risks increase as Red China moves closer to possession of nuclear weapons. With its massive manpower, China is too close geographically, and apparently too far away idealogically, to provide much comfort for K.
Communists confidently expected to take over Japan when our occupation ended. Yet today, 93 million Japanese are enjoying a prosperous life vastly different than that available to the millions under Communist rule in Red China. Japan's progress has come under a working democracy, not under totalitarianism.
Worry: The Underdeveloped Areas of Africa and Asia
By Communist dogma, the former colonies should
have turned in hatred against their ousted rulers. But most leaders of
emerging countries have chosen to develop in cooperation with the industrially
advanced free nations. And in
Resentments still linger from the old colonial days and inflammation is still possible. But chances are good for a free world victory in keeping the world's new nations independent.
Worry: Western Europe
Here are 13 nations of 260 million prospering people. Nations are integrating economies and moving towards closer political cooperation. There are new factories, jobs, prosperity. This is nothing short of revolutionary, as the Communists see things. Red hopes and plans were based on the assumption that these western European countries would fall to communism after World War II. According to dogma, the industrialized nations should be ripped by ever-deepening class struggle, economic crises, and by fighting among themselves.
Instead, the opposite is happening.
Worry: Fading Communist Popularity
A certain indicator of the failure of communism
to gain popularity is the score chalked up by Communist parties in recent
free general elections. Some examples:
In the U.S., Communist Party strength is down 90 per cent since 1944, its peak year.
Worry: U. S. Military Might
Khrushchev knows he is facing a superbly equipped,
well trained and READY offensive force which can devastate the Soviet Union.
Arrayed against him are such publicized items as:
Adding to the U.S. might are nearly 30 NATO divisions which are or can be quickly equipped with atomic weapons; 60 H-bombs which Britain has in place on Thor IRBM's aimed at Russia; 20 Italian high-megaton range bombs ready to be launched via Jupiter IRBM's; 44 Mutual assistance pacts in which other nations have agreed to come to our aid.
Two hundred military bases are located in Western Europe where 10 years ago only 20 existed.
Communist Expansion Has Been Checked
Let's look at another part of the score:
Do We Have a Foreign Policy?
Many people suggest that America has no long-range foreign policy. I don't agree. It is a tribute to leaders of both our political parties that American foreign policy 1946-1962 has had a
bi-partisan framework. There have been differences
in emphasis, skill and tactics, but Eisenhower followed the essential threads
of Truman's strategy just as Kennedy has continued Eisenhower's. The end
aims of our foreign policy have been:
To achieve these goals, both Republican and Democratic
administrations have tried to:
U. S. Cold War Programs
The Communists have used various techniques to
defeat our aims. But we have taken the initiative too. Our cold war offense
in recent years has been bolstered with special programs such as these:
I do not believe in peace at any price. Along with most Americans I am willing, if need be, to risk a nuclear war rather than live under communism. But our aim is a world in which we are neither "Red nor Dead" but alive, prosperous, free and at peace.
In war, the best generals are calm in the midst of panic, willing to roll with the punch, ready to improvise new strategies and techniques for changing situations; ready for offense or defense as the events may require; prepared to wait, or to charge.
We are the "generals" of a free world's forces in a deadly serious struggle. Let us be strong, calm, reasonable, alert and united.
The cold war isn't lost. On balance we are winning.
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